iiTA-'UV^^ kOO E't <'^3ft;>^^ :7^ ' ■ -A'v^v .v'^j:* The -publishers will be -pleased to send, upon re- quest, an illustrated catalogue setting forth the purpose and ideals of The Modern Library, and describing in detail each volume in the series, C^Every reader of books will find titles he has been looking for, attractively printed, and at an unusually low price BEYOND GOOD AND RVIf. BY FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE Translated by HELEN ZIMMERN Introduction by WILLARD HUNTINGTON WRIGHT THE MODERN LIBRARY PUBLISHERS :NEWY0RK PUBLISHERS' NOTE Mr. Willard Huntington Wright, who contributes the In- troduction to this book, is recognized as one of tbe fore- most students and interpreters of Nietzsche in America. His book, "What Nietzsche Taught," is regarded by critics, both here and abroad, as an authoritative introduction to Nietzsche's philosophy. Mr. Wright is also the author of "The Creative Will" and many other works on philosophy and aesthetics. This book is reprinted by arrangement with the Mac- millan Company. Manufactured in the Uftited States of America for The Modem Library y Inc., by H. Wolff CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE Introduction vii Preface xv I Prejudices of Philosophers i II The Free Spirit 28 III The Religious Mood 52 IV Apophthegms and Interludes .... 72 V The Natural History of Morals ... 94 VI We Scholars 119 VII Our Virtues 141 VIII Peoples and Countries 1 70 IX What Is Noble? 197 Digitized by tine Internet Arcliive in 2006 witli funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation littp://www.arcliive.org/details/beyondgoodandeviOOnietuoft INTRODUCTION No philosopher since Kant has left so undeniable an im- print on modem thought as has Friedrich Nietzsche. Even Schopenhauer, whose influence colored the greater part of Europe, made no such widespread impression. Not only in ethics and literature do we find the moulding hand of Nietzsche at work, invigorating and solidifying; but in pedagogics £ind in art, in politics and religion, the influenci of his doctrines is to be encountered. The facts relating to Nietzsche's life are few and simple. -He was bom at Rodien, a little village in the Prussian prov- ince of Saxony, on October 15, 1844; and it is an interesting paradox that this most terrible and devastating critic of Christianity and its ideals, was the culmination of two long collateral lines of theologians. There were two other chil- dren in the Nietzsche household — a girl bom in 1846, and a son bom in 1850. The girl was named Therese Elizabeth Alexandra, and afterward 5he became the philosopher's closest companion and guardian and his most voluminous biographer. The boy, Joseph, did not survive his first year. When Nietzsche's father died the family moved to Naum- burg; and Friedrich, then only six years old, was sent to a local Municipal Boys' School. Later he was withdrawn and entered in a private institution which prepared the younger students for the Cathedral Grammar School. After a few years here Nietzsche successfully passed his examinations for the well-known Landes-Schule at Pforta, where he re- mained until 1864, enrolling the following term at the Uni- versity of Bonn. It was at Boim that a decided change came over his religious views; and it was here also that his great friendship for Friedrich Wilhelm Ritschl, the philologist, developed. When Ritschl was transferred to the University of Leipzig, Nietzsche followed him. Leipzig was the tuming-point of his life. Here he met Wagner; became acquainted with "Erwin Rohde; and discovered Schopenhauer. An interest vii viii INTRODUCTION in politics also developed in him; and the war between Prussia and Austria fanned his youthful ardor to an almost extravagant degree. Twice he offered his services to the military, but both times was rejected on account of his shortsightedness. In the autumn of 1867, however, a new army regulation resulted in his being called to the colors, and he joined the artillery at Naumburg. But he was thrown from his horse in training and received a severe injury to his chest, which necessitated his permanent withdrawal from service. In October, 1868, Nietzsche returned to his work at Leip- zig, and shortly after, although but twenty-four, he was offered the post of Classical Philology at Bale. Two years later came the Franco-Prussian War, and he secured service as an ambulance attendant in the Hospital Corps. But his health was poor, and the work proved too much for him. He contracted diphtheria and severe dysentery, and it was neces- sary for him to discontinue his duties entirely. His sister tells us that this illness greatly undermined his health, and was the first cause of his subsequent condition. He did not wait until he was well before resuming his duties at the University; and this new strain imposed on his already depleted condition had much to do witii bringing on his final breakdown. In 1872, Nietzsche's first important work appeared — ^'The Birth of Tragedy from the Spirit of Music"; and in 1873 he began a series of famous pamphlets which later were put into book form under the title of "Thoughts Out of Season." His health was steadily declining, and during the holidays he alternated between Switzerland and Italy in an endeavor to recuperate. In the former place he was with Wagner, but in 1876 his friendship for the composer began to cool. He had gone to Bayreuth, and there, after hearing "Der Ring des Nibelungen," he became bitter and disgusted at what he believed to be Wagner's compromise with Chris- tianity. But so strong was his affection for Wagner the man, that it was not until ten years had passed that he could bring himself to write the now famous attack which he had long had in mind. The year after the appearance of "Human Ail-Too- I i INTRODUCTION ix Human" ("Mensckliches AUzu Mensckliches") , Nietzsche's illness compelled him to resign his professorship at Bale; and two more years saw the appearance of 'The Dawn of Day" ("M or gemot en"), his first book of constructive think- ing. The remainder of his life was spent in a fruitless endeavor to regain his health. For eight years, during all of which time he was busily engaged in writing, he sought a climate that would revive him — visiting in turn Sils-Maria in Switzerland, Genoa, Monaco, Messina, Grunewald, Tauten- burg, Rome, Naumburg, Nice, Venice, Mentone, and the Riviera. But to no avail. He was constantly ill and for the most part alone, and this perturbed and restless period of his life resolved itself into a continuous struggle against melancholy and physical suffering. During these eight years Nietzsche had written "Thus Spake Zarathustra" ("Also Sprack Zarathustra"), "The Joyful Wisdom" ("La Gaya Scienza"), "Beyond Good and Evil" ("Jenseits Gute und Bose"), "The Genealogy of Morals" ("Zur Genealogie der Moral"), "The Case of Wagner," "The Twilight of the Idols" {"Gdtzenddmmerung"), "The Antichrist" ("Der Antichrist"), "Ecce Homo," "Nietzsche contra Wagner,'* and an enormous number of notes which were to constitute his final and culminating work, "The Will to Power" ("Die Wille zur Macht"). The events during this ptnod. of Nietzsche's career were few. Perhaps the most important was his meeting with Lou Salome. But even this episode had small bearing on his life, and has been greatly emphasized by biographers because of its isolation in an existence out- wardly drab and uneventful. In January, 1889, an apopleptic fit marked the beginning of the end. Nietzsche's manner suddenly became alarming. He exhibited numerous eccentricities, so grave as to mean but one thing: his mind was seriously affected. There has long been a theory that his insanity was of gradual growth, that, in fact, he was unbalanced from birth. But there is no evidence to substantiate this theory. The statement that his books were those of a madman is entirely without foun- dation. His works were thought out in the most clarified manner; in his intercourse with his friends he was restrained and normal; and his voluminous correspondence showed no X INTRODUCTION change toward the end either in sentiment or tone. His insanity was sudden; it came without warning; and it is puerile to point to his state of mind during the last years of his life as a criticism of his philosophy. His books must stand or fall on internal evidence. Judged from that stand- point they are scrupulously sane. The cause of Nietzsche's breakdown was due to a number of influences — his excessive use of chloral which he took for insomnia, the tremendous strain to which he put his intellect, his constant disappointments and privations, his mental solitude, his prolonged physical suffering. We know little of his last days before he went insane. Overbeck, in answer to a mad note, found him in Turin, broken. Nietzsche was put in a private sanitarium at Jena. Recovering somewhat he returned to Naumburg. Later his sister, Frau Forster- Nietzsche, removed him to a villa at Weimar; and three years after, on the twenty-fifth of August, 1900, he died. He was buried at Rocken, his native village. A double purpose animated Nietzsche in his writing of "Beyond Good and Evil" which was begun in the summer of 1885 and finished the following winter. It is at once an explanation and an elucidation of "Thus Spake Zarathustra," and a preparatory book for his greatest and most important work, "The Will to Power." In it Nietzsche attempts to define the relative terms of "good" and "evil," and to draw a line of distinction between immorality and unmorality. He saw the inconsistencies involved in the attempt to har- monize an ancient moral code with the needs of modem life, and recognized the compromises which were constantly being made between moral theory and social practice. His object was to establish a relationship between morality and necessity and to formulate a workable basis for human con- duct. Consequently "Beyond Good and Evil" is one of hisM most important contributions to a new system of ethics, and f touches on many of the deepest principles of his philosophy. Nietzsche opens "Beyond Good and Evil" with a long chapter headed "Prejudices of Philosophers," in which he outlines the course to be taken by his dialectic. The expo- ,, sition is accomplished by two methods; first, by an analysis I INTRODUCTION xi and a refutation of the systems of thinking made use of by antecedent doctrinaires, and secondly, by defining the hypotheses on which his own philosophy is built. This chapter is a most important one, setting forth, as it does, the rationale of his doctrine of the will to power. It establishes Nietzsche's philosophic position and presents a closely knit explanation of the course pursued in the following chapters. The relativity of all truth — the hypothesis so often assumed in his previous work — Nietzsche here defends by analogy and argument. Using other leading forms of philosophy as a ground for exploration, he questions the absolutism of truth and shows wherein lies the difficulty of a final defini- tion. Nietzsche, in his analyses and criticisms, is not solely destructive: he is subterraneously constructing his own philosophical system founded on the "will to power." This phrase is used many times in the careful research of the first chapter. As the book proceeds, this doctrine develops. Nietzsche's best definition of what he calls the "free spirit," namely: the thinking man, the intellectual aristocrat, the philosopher and ruler, is contained in the twenty-six pages of the second chapter of "Beyond Good and Evil." In a series of paragraphs — longer than is Nietzsche's wont — the leading characteristics of this superior man are de- scribed. The "free spirit," however, must not be confused with the superman. The former is the "bridge" which the present-day man must cross in the process of surpassing him- self. In the delineation and analysis of him, as presented to us here, we can glimpse his most salient mental features. Heretofore, as in "Thus Spake Zarathustra," he has been but partially and provisionally defined. Now his instincts and desires, his habits and activities are outlined. Further- more, we are given an explanation of his relation to the inferior man and to the organisms of his environment. The chapter is a most important one, for at many points it is a subtle elucidation of many of Nietzsche's dominant philo- sophic principles. By inference, the differences of class distinction are strictly drawn. The slave-morality {sklav- tnaral) and the master-morality (herrenmoral) , though as yet undefined, are balanced against each other: and the deportmental standards of the masters and slaves are defined xli INTRODUCTION by way of distinguishing between these two opposing human factions. A keen and far-reaching analysis of the various asjDects assumed by religious faith constitutes a third section of "Beyond Good and Evil." Though touching upon various influences of Christianity, this section is more general in its religious scope than even "The Antichrist," many indications of which are to be found here. This chapter has to do with the numerous inner experiences of man, which are directly or indirectly attributable to religious doctrines. The origin of the instinct for faith itself is sought, and the results of this faith are balanced against the needs of the individuals and of the race. The relation between religious ecstasy and sensuality; the attempt on the part of religious practitioners to arrive at a negation of the will; the transition from religious gratitude to fear; the psychology at the bottom of saint- worship; — to problems such as these Nietzsche de- votes his energies in his inquiry of the religious mood. There is an illuminating exposition of the important stages in religious cruelty and of the motives underlying the various forms of religious sacrifices. A very important phase of Nietzsche's teaching is con- tained in this criticism of the religious life. The detractors of the Nietzschean doctrine base their judgments on the assumption that the universal acceptation of his theories would result in social chaos. Nietzsche desired no such general adoption of his beliefs. In his bitterest diatribes against Christianity his object was not to shake the faith of the great majority of mankind in their idols. He sought merely to free the strong men from the restrictions of a religion which fitted the needs of only the weaker members of society. He neither hoped nor desired to wean the mass of humanity from Christianity or any similar dogmatic com- fort. On the contrary, he denounced those superficial athe- ists who endeavored to weaken the foundations of religion. He saw the positive necessity of such religions as a basis for his slave-morality, and in the present chapter he exhorts the rulers to preserve the religious faith of the serving classes, and to use it as a means of government — as an instrument in the work of disciplining and educating. His entire system INTRODUCTION xiii of ethics is built on the complete disseverance of the domi nating class and the serving class; and his doctrine oi "beyond good and evil" should be considered only as it pertains to the superior man. To apply it to all classes would be to reduce Nietzsche's whole system of ethics to impracticability, and therefore to an absurdity. Passing from a consideration of the religious mood Nietzsche enters a broader sphere of ethical research, and endeavors to trace the history and development of morals. He accuses the philosophers of having avoided the real problem of morality, namely: the testing of the faith and motives which lie beneath moral beliefs. This is the task he sets for himself, and in his chapter, "The Natural History of Morals," he makes an examination of moral origins — an examination which is extended into an exhaustive treatise in his next book, "The Genealogy of Morals." However, his dissection here is carried out on a broader and far more gen- eral scale than in his previous books, such as "Human All- Too-Human" and "The Dawn of Day." Heretofore he had confined himself to codes and systems, to acts of morality and immorality, to judgments of conducts. In "Beyond Good and Evil" he treats of moral prejudices as forces working hand in hand with human progress. In addition, there is a definite attitude of constructive thinking here which is absent from his earlier work. In the chapter, "We Scholars," Nietzsche continues his definition of the philosopher, whom he holds to be the highest type of man. Besides being a mere description of the intellectual traits of this "free spirit," the chapter is also an exposition of the shortcomings of those modem men who pose as philosophers. Also the man of science and the man of genius are analyzed and weighed as to their relative importance in the community. In fact, we have here Nietzsche's most concise and complete definition of the indi- viduals upon whom rests the burden of progress. These valuations of the intellectual leaders are important to the student, for by one's understanding them, along with the reasons for such valuations, a comprehension of the ensuing volumes is facilitated. Important material touching on many of the fundamental xiv INTRODUCTION boints of Nietzsche's philosophy is embodied in the chapter entitled "Our Virtues." The more general inquiries into conduct, and the research along the broader lines of ethics 'are supplanted by inquiries into specific moral attributes. The current virtues are questioned, and their historical sig- nificance is determined. The value of such virtues is tested in their relation to different types of men. Sacrifice, sym- pathy, brotherly love, service, loyalty, altruism, and similar ideals of conduct are examined, and the results of such vir- tues are shown to be incompatible with the demands of modem social intercourse. Nietzsche poses against these virtues the sterner and more rigid forms of conduct, pointing out wherein they meet with the present requirements of human progress. The chapter is a preparation for his estab- lishment of a new morality and also an explanation of the dual ethical code which is one of the main pillars in his philosophical structure. Before presenting his precept of a dual morality, Nietzsche endeavors to determine woman's place in the political and social scheme, and points out the necessity, not only of individual feminine functioning, but of the preservation of a distinct polarity in sexual relation- ship. In the final chapter many of Nietzsche's philosophical ideas take definite shape. The doctrine of slave-morality and master-morality, prepared for and partially defined in preceding chapters, is here directly set forth, and those vir- tues and attitudes which constitute the "nobility" of the master class are specifically defined. Nietzsche designates the duty of his aristocracy, and segregates the human attri- butes according to the rank of individuals. The Dionysian ideal, which underlies all the books that follow "Beyond Good and Evil," receives its first direct exposition and appli- cation. The hardier human traits, such as egotism, cruelty, arrogance, retaliation and appropriation, are given ascend- ancy over the softer virtues, such as sympathy, charity, for- giveness, loyalty and humility, and are pronounced necessary constituents in the moral code of a natural aristocracy. At this point is begun the transvaluation of values which was to have been completed in "The Will to Power." WiLLARD Huntington Wright. PREFACE Supposing that Truth is a woman — what then? Is there not ground for suspecting that all philosophers, in so far as they have been dogmatists, have failed to understand women — that the terrible seriousness and climisy impor- tunity with which they have usually paid their addresses to Truth, have been unskilled and unseemly methods for winning a woman? Certainly she has never allowed herself to be won; and at present every kind of dogma stands with sad and discouraged mien — if, indeed, it stands at all! For there are scoffers who mmntain that it has fallen, that all dogma lies on the groimd — nay more, that it is at its last gasp. But to speak seriously, there are good groimds for hoping that all dogmatising in philosophy, whatever solemn, whatever conclusive and decided airs it has assumed, may have been only a noble puerilism and tjn-onism ; and probably the time is at hand when it will be once and again under- stood what has actually sufficed for the basis of such im- posing and absolute philosophical edifices as the dogmatists have hitherto reared: perhaps some popular superstition of immemorial time (such as the soul-superstition, which, in the form of subject- and ego-superstition, has not yet ceased doing mischief): perhaps some play upon words, a decep- tion on the part of grammar, or an audacious generalisation of very restricted, very personal, very human — all-too-human facts. The philosophy of the dogmatists, it is to be hoped, was only a promise for thousands of years aftervi-ards, aa, zv PREFACE ^as astrology in still earlier times, in the service of which probably more labour, gold, acuteness, and patience have been spent than on any actual science hitherto: we owe to it, and to its "super-terrestrial" pretensions in Asia and Egypt, the grand style of architecture. It seems that in order to inscribe themselves upon the heart of humanity with everlasting claims, all great things have first to wander about the earth as enormous and awe-inspiring caricatures: dog- matic philosophy has been a caricature of this kind — for instcince, the Vedanta doctrine in Asia, and Platonism in Europe. Let us not be ungrateful to it, although it must certainly be confessed that the worst, the most tiresome, and the most dangerous of errors hitherto has been a dog- matist error — ^namely, Plato's invention of Pure Spirit and the Good in Itself. But now when it has been surmounted, when Europe, rid of this nightmare, can again draw breath freely and at least enjoy a healthier — sleep, we, whose duty is wakefulness itself, are the heirs of all the strength which the struggle against this error has fostered. It amounted to the very inversion of truth, and the denial of the perspective — the fundamental condition — of life, to speak of Spirit and the Good as Plato spoke of them; indeed one might ask, as a physician: "How did such a malady attack that finest product of antiquity, Plato? Had the wicked Socrates really corrupted him? Was Socrates after all a corrupter of youths, and deserved his hemlock?" But the struggle against Plato, or — to speak plainer, and for the "people" — the struggle against the ecclesiastical oppression of millenniums of Christ- ianity (for Christianity is Platonism for the "people"), pro- duced in Europe a magnificent tension of soul, such as had not existed anywhere previously; with such a tensely-strained bow one can now aim at the furthest goals. As a matter of fact, the European feels this tension as a state of distress, PREFACE and twice attempts have been made in grand style to imbend the bow: once by means of Jesuitism, and the second time by means of democratic enlightenment — which, with the aid of liberty of the press and newspaper-reading, might, in fact, bring it about that the ^irit would not so easily find itself in "distress"! (The Germans invented gunpowder — all credit to them! but they again made things square — they in- vented printing.) But we, who are neither Jesuits, nor demo- crats, nor even sufficiently Germans, we good Europeans, and free, very free spirits — ^we have it still, all the distress of spirit and all the tension of its bow! And perhaps also the arrow, the duty, and, who knows? the god to aim at. . . . Sils Maria Upper Engadine, Jum. 1885. BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL CHAPTER I |. Prejudices of Philosophers The Will to Truth, which is to tempt us to many a hazard- ous enterprise, the famous Truthfulness of which all philosophers have hitherto spoken with respect, what ques- tions has this Will to Truth not laid before us! What strange, perplexmg, questionable questions! It is already a long story; yet it seems as if it were hardly commenced. Is it any wonder if we at last grow distrustful, lose patience, and turn impatiently away? That this Sphinx teaches us at last to ask questions ourselves? Who is it really that puts questions to us here? What really is this "Will to Truth" in us? In fact we made a long halt at the question as to the origin of this Will — imtil at last we came to an absolute standstill before a yet more fundamental question. We in- quired about the value of this Will. Granted that we want the truth: why not rather untruth? And uncertainty? Even ignorance? The problem of the value of truth presented it- self before us — or was it we who presented ourselves before the problem? Which of us is the CEdipus here? Which the Sphinx? It would seem to be a rendezvous of questions and notes of interrogation. And could it be believed that it at last seems to us as if the problem had never been propounded ft 2 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL before, as if we were the first to discern it, get a sight of it, and risk raising it. For there is risk in raising it, perhaps there is no greater risk. "How could anything originate out of its opposite? For example, truth out of error? or the Will to Truth out of the will to deception? or the generous deed out of selfishness? or the pure sun-bright vision of the wise man out of covet- ousness? Such genesis is impossible; whoever dreams of it is a fool, nay, worse than a fool ; things of the highest value must have a different origin, an origin of their own — in this transitory, seductive, illusory, paltry world, in this turmoil of delusion and cupidity, they cannot have their source. But rather in the lap of Being, in the intransitory, in the con- cealed God, in the 'Thing-in-itself — there must be their source, and nowhere else! " — This mode of reasoning discloses the typical prejudice by which meta-physicians of all times can be recognised, this mode of valuation is at the back of all their logical procedure; through this "belief" of theirs, they exert themselves for their "knowledge," for something that is in the end solemnly christened "the Truth." The fundamental belief of metaphysicians is the belief in anti- theses of values. It never occurred even to the wariest of them to doubt here on the very threshold (where doubt, however, was most necessary) ; though they had made a solemn vow, *'de omnibus dubitandum." For it may be doubted, firstly, whether antitheses exist at all ; and secondly, whether the popular valuations and anthitheses of value upon which metaphysicians have set their seal, are not perhaps merely superficial estimates, merely provisional perspectives, besides being probably made from some comer, perhaps froi BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 3 below — "frog perspectives," as it were, to borrow an expres- sion current among painters. In spite of all the value which may belong to the true, the positive, and the unselfish, it might be possible that a higher and more fimdamental value for life generally should be assigned to pretence, to the will to delusion, to selfishness, and cupidity. It might even be possible that what constitutes the value of those good and respected things, consists precisely in their being insidiously related, knotted, and crocheted to these evil and apparently opposed things — perhaps even in being essentially identical with them. Perhaps! But who wishes to concern himself with such dangerous "Perhapses"! For that investigation one must await the advent of a new order of philosophers, such as will have other tastes and inclinations, the reverse of those hitherto prevalent — ^philosophers of the dangerous "Perhaps" in every sense of the term. And to speak in all seriousness, I see such new philosophers beginning to appear. Having kept a sharp eye on philosophers, and having read between their lines long enough, I now say to myself that the greater part of conscious thinking must be counted amongst the instinctive functions, and it is so even m the case of phil- osophical thinking; one has here to learn anew, as one learned anew about heredity and "innateness." As little as the act of birth comes into consideration in the whole process and procedure of heredity, just as little is "being-conscious" op- posed to the instinctive in any decisive sense; the greater part of the conscious thinking of a philosopher is secretly in- fluenced by his instincts, and forced into definite channels. And behind all logic and its seeming sovereignty of move- ment, there are valuations, or to speak more plainly, physio- 4 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL logical demands, for the maintenance of a definite mode of life. For example, that the certain is worth more than the imcertain, that illusion is less valuable than "truth": such valuations, in spite of their regulative importance for us, might notwithstanding be only superficial valuations, spe- cial kinds of niaiserie, such as may be necessary for the maintenance of beings such as ourselves. Supposing, in ef- fect, that man is not just the "measure of things." . . . The falseness of an opinion is not for us any objection to it: it is here, perhaps, that our new language sounds most strangely. The question is, how far an opinion is life-fur- thering, life-preserving, species-preserving, perhaps species- rearing; and we are fundamentally inclined to maintain that the falsest opinions (to which the synthetic judgments a priori belong), are the most indispensable to us; that without a recognition of logical fictions, without a comparison of reality with the purely imagined world of the absolute and immutable, without a constant covmterfeiting of the work by means of numbers, man could not live — that the renun-j ciation of false opinions would be a renunciation of life, negation of life. To recognise untruth as a condition of lifei that is certainly to impugn the traditional ideas of value a dangerous maimer, and a philosophy which ventures to d<] so, has thereby alone placed itself beyond good and evil. That which causes philosophers to be regarded half-dis trustfully and half-mockingly, is not the oft-repeated disco\ ery how innocent they are — ^how often and easily they ma BEYOND GOOD ANfD EVIL 5 mistakes and lose their way, in short, how childish and childlike they are, — but that there is not enough honest dealing with them, whereas they all raise a loud and virtuous outcry when the problem of truthfulness is even hinted at in the remotest manner. They all pose as though their real opmions had been discovered and attained through the self- evolving of a cold, pure, divinely indifferent dialectic (in contrast to all sorts of mystics, who, fairer and foolisher, talk of "inspiration") ; whereas, in fact, a prejudiced proposition, idea, or "suggestion," which is generzilly their heart's desire abstracted and refined, is defended by them with arguments sought out after the event. They are all advocates who do not wish to be regarded as such, generally astute defenders, also, of their prejudices, which they dub "truths," — and very far from having the conscience which bravely admits this to itself; very far from having the good taste of the courage which goes so far as to let this be understood, p)erhaps to warn friend or foe, or in cheerful confidence and self -ridicule. The spectacle of the Tartuffery of old Kant, equally stiff and decent, with which he entices us into the dialectic by-ways that lead (more correctly mislead) to his "categorical im- perative"— makes us fastidious ones smile, we who find no small amusement in spying out the subtle tricks of old moralists and ethical preachers. Or, still more so, the hocus- pocus in mathematical form, by means of which Spinoza has, as it were, clad his philosophy in mail and mask — in fact, the "love of his wisdom," to translate the term fairly and squarely — in order thereby to strike terror at once into the heart of the assailant who should dare to cast a glance on that mvincible maiden, that Pallas Athene:— how much of personal timidity and vulnerability does this masquerade of a sickly recluse betray! BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL It has gradually become clear to me what every great philosophy up till now has consisted of — namely, the confes- sion of its originator, and a species of involuntary and un- conscious auto-biography; and moreover that the moral (or immoral) purpose in every philosophy has constituted the true vital germ out of which the entire plant has always grown. Indeed, to understand how the abstrusest metaphysi- cal assertions of a philosopher have been arrived at, it is always well (and wise) to first ask oneself: ''What morality do they (or does he) aim at?" Accordingly, I do not believe that an "impulse to knowledge" is the father of philosophy; but that another impulse, here as elsewhere, has only made use of knowledge (and mistaken knowledge!) as an instru- ment. But whoever considers the fundamental impulses of man with a view to determining how far they may have here acted as inspiring genii (or as demons and cobolds) , will find that they have all practised philosophy at one time or an- other, and that each one of them would have been only too glad to look upon itself as the ultimate end of existence and the legitimate lord over all the other impulses. For every impulse is imperious, and as such, attempts to philosophise. To be sure, in the case of scholars, in the case of really scientific men, it may be otherwise — "better," if you will; there there may really be such a thing as an "impulse to I:nowledge," some kind of small, independent clock-work, which, when well wound up, works away industriously to that end, without the rest of the scholarly impulses taking any material part therein. The actual "interests" of the scholar, therefore, are generally in quite another direction — in the family, perhaps, or in money-making, or in politics; it is, I BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 7 in fact, almost indifferent at what point of research his little machine is placed, and whether the hopeful yoimg worker becomes a good philologist, a mushroom specialist, or a chemist; he is not characterised by becoming this or that. In the philosopher, on the contrary, there is absolutely nothing impersonal; and above all, his morality furnishes a decided and decisive testimony as to who he is, — that is to say, in what order the deepest impulses of his nature stand to each other. How malicious philosophers can be! I know of nothing more stinging than the joke Epicurus took the liberty of making on Plato and the Platonists; he called them Diony- siokolakes. In its original sense, and on the face of it, the word signifies "Flatterers of Dionysius" — consequently, ty- rants' accessories and lick-spittles; besides this, however, it is as much as to say, "They are all actors, there is nothing genuine about them" (for Dionysiokolax was a popular name for an actor). And the latter is really the malignant re- proach that Epicurus cast upon Plato: he was annoyed by the grandiose manner, the mise en scene style of which Plato and his scholars were masters — of which Epicurus was not a master! He, the old school-teacher of Samos, who sat concealed in his little garden at Athens, and wrote three hundred books, perhaps out of rage and ambitious envy of Plato, who knows! Greece took a hundred years to find out who the garden-god Epicurus really was. Did she ever find out? I BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 8 There is a point in every philosophy at which the "convic- tion" of the philosopher appear^ on the scene; or, to put it in the words of an ancient mystery: Adventavit asinus, Pulcher et fortissimus. You desire to live "according to Nature"? Oh, you noble Stoics, what fraud of words! Imagine to yourselves a being like Nature, boundlessly extravagant, boundlessly indifferent, without purpose or consideration, without pity or justice, at once fruitful and barren and imcertam: imagine to your- selves indifference as a power — ^how could you live in ac- cordance with such indifference? To live— is not that just endeavouring to be otherwise than this Nature? Is not living valuing, preferring, being imjust, being limited, en- deavouring to be different? And granted that your impera- tive, "living according to Nature," means actually the same as "living according to life" — ^how could you do differently? Why should you make a principle out of what you your- selves are, and must be? In reality, however, it is quite otherwise with you: while you pretend to read with rapture the canon of your law in Nature, you want something quite the contrary, you extraordinary stage-players and self-de- luders! In your pride you wish to dictate your morals and ideals to Nature, to Nature herself, and to incorporate thei therein; you insist that it shall be Nature "according to thi Stoa," and would like everything to be made after your o ina I enL, f. BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 9 image, as a vast, eternal glorification and generalism of Stoic- ism ! With all your love for truth, you have forced yourselves so long, so persistently, and with such hypnotic rigidity to see Nature falsely, that is to say. Stoically, that you are no longer able to see it otherwise — and to crown all, some un- fathomable superciliousness gives you the Bedlamite hope that because you are able to tyrannise over yourselves — Stoicism is self-tyranny — Nature will also allow herself to be t)n'annised over: is not the Stoic a />cr^ of Nature? , . . But this is an old and everlasting story: what happened in old times with the Stoics still happens to-day, £is soon as ever a philosophy begins to believe in itself. It always creates the world in its own image; it cannot do otherwise; phi- losophy is this tyrannical impulse itself, the most spiritual Will to Power, the will to "creation of the world," the will to the causa prima. 10 The eagerness and subtlety, I should even say craftiness, with which the problem of "the real and the apparent world" is dealt with at present throughout Europe, furnishes food for thought and attention; and he who hears only a "Will to Truth" in the background, and nothing else, cannot cer- Jainly boast of the sharpest ears. In rare and isolated cases, ^may really have happened that such a Will to Truth — a lin extravagant and adventurous pluck, a metaphysician's ibition of the forlorn hope — has participated therein: that ich in the end always prefers a handful of "certainty" to [whole cartload of beautiful possibilities; there may even puritanical fanatics of conscience, who prefer to put their ^t trust in a sure nothing, rather than in an uncertain some- ig. But that is Nihilism, and the sign of a despairing. 10 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL mortally wearied soul, notwithstanding the courageous bear- ing such a virtue may display. It seems, however, to be otherwise with stronger and livelier thinkers who are still eager for life. In that they side against appearance, and speak superciliously of "perspective," in that they rank the credibility of their own bodies about as low as the credibility of the ocular evidence that "the earth stands still," and thus, apparently, allowing with complacency their securest pos- session to escape (for what does one at present believe in more firmly than in one's body?), — who knows if they are not really trying to win back something which was formerly an even securer possession, something of the old domain of the faith of former times, perhaps the "immortal soul," per- haps "the old God," in short, ideas by which they could live better, that is to say, more vigourously and more joyously, than by "modem ideas"? There is distrust of these modem ideas in this mode of looking at things, a disbelief in all that has been constructed yesterday and to-day; there is per- haps some slight admixture of satiety and scom, which can no longer endure the bric-a-brac of ideas of the most varied origin, such as so-called Positivism at present throws on the market; a disgust of the more refined taste at the village-fair motleyness and patchiness of all these reality-philosophasters, in whom there is nothing either new or true, except this motlejTiess. Therein it seems to me that we should agree with those sceptical anti-realists and knowledge-microscopists of the present day; their instinct, which repels them from modern reality, is unrefuted . . . what do their retrograde by-paths concem us! The main thing about them is nolA that they wish to go "back," but that they wish to get ca^cy therefrom. A little more strength, swing, courage, and artistic power, and they would be o§ — and not back! BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL ii I IX It seems to me that there is everywhere an attempt at present to divert attention from the actual influence which Kant exercised on German philosophy, and especially to ig- nore prudently the value which he set upon himself. Kant was first and foremost proud of his Table of Categories; with it in his hand he said: "This is the most difficult thing that could ever be undertaken on behalf of metaphysics." Let us only understand this "could be"! He was proud of having discovered a new faculty in man, the faculty of synthetic judgment a priori. Granting that he deceived him- self in this matter; the development and rapid flourishing of German philosophy depended nevertheless on his pride, and on the eager rivalry of the younger generation to dis- cover if possible something — at all events "new faculties" — of which to be still prouder! — But let us reflect for a moment — it is high time to do so. "How are synthetic judg- ments a priori possible?" Kant asks himself — and what is really his answer? "By means of a means (faculty)" — ^but unfortunately not in five words, but so circumstantially, im- posingly, and with such display of German profimdity and verbal flourishes, that one altogether loses sight of the comical niaiserie allemande involved in such an answer. Peo- ple were beside themselves with delight over this new fac- ^ ulty, and the jubilation reached its climeix v/hen Kant further discovered a moral faculty in man — for at that time Germans were still moral, not yet dabbling in the "Politics of hard fact." Then came the honeymoon of German philosophy. All the young theologians of the Tiibingen institution went I mmediately into the groves — all seeking for "faculties." jri .tod what did they not find — in that innocent, rich, and still II 12 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL youthful period of the German spirit, to which Romanticism, the malicious fairy, piped and sang, when one could not yet distinguish between "finding" and "inventing"! Above all a faculty for the "transcendental"; Schelling christened it, intellectual intuition, and thereby gratified the most earnest longings of the naturally pious-inclined Germans. One can do no greater wrong to the whole of this exuberant and ec- centric movement (which was really youthfulness, notwith- standing that it disguised itself so boldly in hoary and senile conceptions), than to take it seriously, or even treat it with moral indignation. Enough, however — the world grew older, and the dream vanished. A time came when people rubbed their foreheads, and they still rub them to-day. People had been dreaming, and first and foremost — old Kant. "By means of a means (faculty)" — he had said, or at least meant to say. But, is that — an answer? An explanation? Or is it not rather merely a repetition of the question? How does opium induce sleep? "By means of a means (faculty)," namely the virtus dormitiva, replies the doctor in Moliere, Quia est in eo virtus dormitiva, Cujus est natura sensus assoupire. But such replies belong to the realm of comedy, and it is high time to replace the Kantian question, "How are syn- thetic judgments a priori possible?" by another question, "Why is belief in such judgments necessary?" — in effect, it high time that we should imderstand that such judgments, must be believed to be true, for the sake of the preserva- tion of creatures like ourselves; though they still might] naturally be false judgments! Or, more plainly spokeUjj and roughly and readily — synthetic judgments a priori shoulc not "be possible" at all; we have no right to them; in oui BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 13 mouths they are nothing but false judgments). Only, of course, the belief in their truth is necessary, as plausible belief and ocular evidence belonging to the perspective view of life. And finally, to call to mind the enormous influence which "German philosophy" — I hope you understand its right to inverted commas (gooseteet)? — has exercised throughout the whole of Europe, there is no doubt that a certain virtus dormitiva had a share in it; thanks to German philosophy, it was a delight to the noble idlers, the virtuous, the mystics, the artists, the three- fourths Christians, and the political obscurantists of all nations, to find an antidote to the still overwhelming sensualism which overflowed from the last century into this, in short — "sensus assoupire." . . . y2 As regards materialistic atomism, it is one of the best refuted theories that have been advanced, and in Europe there is now perhaps no one in the learned world so un- scholarly as to attach serious signification to it, except for convenient everyday use (as an abbreviation of the means of expression) — thanks chiefly to the Pole Boscovich: he and the Pole Copernicus have hitherto been the greatest and most successful opponents of ocular evidence. For whilst Copernicus has persuaded us to believe, contrary to all the senses, that the earth does not stand fast, Boscovich has taught us to abjure the belief in the last thing that "stood fast" of the earth — the belief in "substance," in "matter," in the earth-residuum, and particle-atom: it is the greatest triumph over the senses that has hitherto been gained on earth. One must, however, go still further, and also declare war, relentless war to the knife, against the "atomistic re- quirements" which still lead a dangerous after-life in places 14 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL where no one suspects them, like the more celebrated "meta- physical requirements": one must also above all give the fin- ishing stroke to that other and more portentous atomism which Christianity has taught best and longest, the soul- atomism. Let it be permitted to designate by this expression the belief which regards the soul as something indestructible, eternal, indivisible, as a monad, as an atomon: this belief ought to be expelled from science! Between ourselves, it is not at all necessary to get rid of "the soul" thereby, and thus renounce one of tlie oldest and most venerated hj^otheses — as happens frequently to the clumsiness of naturalists, who can hardly touch on the soul without immediately losing it. But the way is open for new acceptations and refinements of the soul-hypothesis; and such conceptions as "mortal soul," and "soul of subjective multiplicity," and "soul as social structure of the instincts and passions," want henceforth to have legitimate rights in science. In that the new psycholo- gist is about to put an end to the superstitions which have hitherto flourished with almost tropical luxuriance around the idea of the soul, he is really, as it were, thrusting himself into a new desert and a new distrust — it is possible that the older psychologists had a merrier and more comfortable time of it; eventually, however, he finds that precisely thereby he is also condemned to invent — and, who knows? perhaps to discover the new. 13 Psychologists should bethink themselves before putting down the instinct of self-preservation as the cardinal instinct of an organic being. A living thing seeks above all to dis- charge its strength — ^life itself is Will to Power; self-preser- vation is only one of the indirect and most frequent results> BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL i^ thereof. In short, here, as everywhere else, let us beware of superfluous teleological principles! — one of which is the in- stinct of self-preservation (we owe it to Spinoza's inconsist- ency) . It is thus, in effect, that method ordains, which must be essentially economy of principles. 14 It is perhaps just dawning on five or six minds that nat~ ural philosophy is only a world-exposition and world-ar- rangement (according to us, if I may say so!) and not a world-explanation; but in so far as it is based on belief in the senses, it is regarded as more, and for a long time to come must be regarded as more — namely, as an explanation. It has eyes and fingers of its own, it has ocular evidence and palpableness of its own: this operates fascinatingly, per- suasively, and convincingly upon an age with fundamentally plebeian tastes — in fact, it follows instinctively the canon of trutli of eternal popular sensualism. "What is clear, what is "explained"? Only that which can be seen and felt — one must pursue every problem thus far. Obversely, however, the charm of the Platonic mode of thought, which was an aristocratic mode, consisted precisely in resistance to obvious sense-evidence — perhaps among men who enjoyed even stronger and more fastidious senses than our contemporaries, but who knew how to find a higher triumph in remaining masters of them: and this by means of pale, cold, grey con- ceptional networks which they threw over the motley whirl of the senses — the mob of the senses, as Plato said. In this overcoming of the world, and interpreting of the world in the manner of Plato, there was an enjoyment different from that which the physicists of to-day offer us — and likewise the Darwinists and antiteleologists among the physiological 1 6 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL workers, with their principle of the "smallest possible effort," and the greatest possible blunder. "Where there is nothing more to see or to grasp, there is also nothing more for men to do" — that is certainly an imperative different from the Platonic one, but it may notwithstanding be the right im- perative for a hardy, labourious race of machinists and bridge-builders of the future, who have nothing but rough work to perform. IS To study physiology with a clear conscience, one must insist on the fact that the sense-organs are not phenomena in the sense of the idealistic philosophy; as such they certainly could not be causes! Sensualism, therefore, at least as regu- lative hypothesis, if not as heuristic principle. What? And others say even that the external world is the work of our organs? But then our body, as a part of this external world, would be the work of our organs! But then our organs themselves would be the work of our organs! It seems to me that this is a complete reductio ad absurdum, if the con- ception causa sui is something fundamentally absurd. Con- sequently, the external world is not the work of our organs — ? i6 There are still harmless self-observers who believe that there are "immediate certainties"; for instance, "I think," or as the superstition of Schopenhauer puts it, "I will"; as though cognition here got hold of its object purely and simply as "the thing in itself," without any falsification taking place either on the part of the subject or the object. I would repeat it, however, a hundred times, that "immediate cer- BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 17 tainty," as well as "absolute knowledge" and the "thing in itself," involve a contradictio in adjecto; we really ought to free ourselves from the misleading significance of words! The people on their part may think that cognition is knowing all about things, but the philosopher must say to himself: "When I analyse the process that is expressed in the sen- tence, 'I think,' I find a whole series of daring assertions, the argumentative proof of which would be difficult, perhaps impossible: for instance, that it is / who think, that there must necessarily be something that thinks, that thinking is an activity and operation on the part of a being who is thought of as a cause, that there is an 'ego,' and finally, that it is already determined what is to be designated by thinking — that I know what thinking is. For if I had not already decided within myself what it is, by what standard could I determine whether that which is just happening is not perhaps 'willing' or 'feeling'? In short, the assertion 'I think,' as- sumes that I compare my state at the present moment with other states of myself which I know, in order to determine what it is; on accoimt of this retrospective connection with further 'knowledge,' it has, at any rate, no immediate cer- tainty for me." — In place of the "immediate certainty" in which the people may believe in the special case, the philoso- pher thus finds a series of ^netaphysical questions presented to him, veritable conscience questions of the intellect, to wit: "From whence did I get the notion of 'thinking'? Why do I believe in cause and effect? What gives me the right to speak of an 'ego,' and even of an 'ego' as cause, and finally of an 'ego' as cause of thought?" He who ventures to an- swer these metaphysical questions at once by an appeal to a sort of intuitive perception, like the person who says, "I think, and know that this, at least, is true, actual, and cer- tain"— will encounter a smile and two notes of interrogation 1 8 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL in a philosopher nowadays. "Sir," the philosopher' will per- haps give him to understand, "it is improbable that you are not mistaken, but why should it be the truth?" 17 With regard to the superstitions of logicians, I shall never tire of emphasising a small, terse fact, which is unwillingly recognised by these credulous minds — namely, that a thought comes when "it" wishes, and not when "I" wish; so that it is a perversion of the facts of the case to say that the subject "I" is the condition of the predicate "think." One thinks; but that this "one" is precisely the famous old "ego," is, to put it mildly, only a supposition, an assertion, and as- suredly not an "immediate certainty." After all, one has even gone too far with this "one thinks" — even the "one" contains an interpretation of the process, and does not be- long to the process itself. One infers here according to the usual grammatical formula — "To think is an activity; every activity requires an agency that is active; consequently" . . . It was pretty much on the same lines that the older atomism sought, besides the operating "power," the material particle wherein it resides and out of which it operates — the atom. More rigourous minds, however, learnt at last to get along without this "earth-residuum," and perhaps some day we shall accustom ourselves, even from the logician's point of view, to get along without the little "one" (to which thdj worthy old "ego" has refined itself). 18 It is certainly not the least charm of a theory that it is refutable; it is precisely thereby that it attracts the more BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL i^ subtle minds. It seems that the hundred-times-refuted theory of the "free will" owes its persistence to this charm alone; some one is always app)earing who feels himself strong enough- to refute it. 19 Philosophers are accustomed to speak of the will as though it were the best-known thing in the world; indeed, Schopen- hauer has given us to understand that the will alone is really known to us, absolutely and completely known, without de- duction or addition. But it again and again seems to me that in this case Schopenhauer also only did what philosophers are in the habit of doing — he seems to have adopted a popular prejudice and exaggerated it. Willing — seems to me to be above all something complicated, something that is a unity only in name — and it is precisely in a name that popular prejudice lurks, which has got the mastery over the inade- quate precautions of philosophers in all ages. So let us for once be more cautious, let us be "unphilosophical": let us say that in all willing there is firstly a plurality of sensa- tions, namely, the sensation of the condition "away from which we go," the sensation of the condition "towards which we go," the sensation of this "from" and "towards" itself, and then besides, an accompanying muscular sensation, which, even without our putting in motion "arms and legs," commences its action by force of habit, directly we *'wiH" anything. Therefore, just as sensations (and indeed many kinds of sensations) are to be recognised as ingredients of the will, so, in the second place, thinking is also to be recog- nised; in every act of the will there is a ruling thought; — and let us not imagine it possible to sever this thought from the "willing," as if the will would then remain over! In the 20 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL third place, the will is not only a complex of sensation and thinking, but it is above all an emotion, and in fact the emotion of the command. That which is termed "freedom of the will" is essentially the emotion of supremacy in re- spect to him who must obey: "I am free, 'he' must obey" — this consciousness is inherent in every will; and equally so the straining of the attention, the straight look which fixes itself exclusively on one thing, the unconditional judgment that "this and nothing else is necessary now," the inward certainty that obedience will be rendered — and whatever else pertains to the position of the commander. A man who wills commands something within himself which renders obedience, or which he believes renders obedience. But now let us notice what is the strangest thing about the will, — this affair so extremely complex, for which the people have only one name. Inasmuch as in the given circumstances we are at the same time the commanding and the obeying parties, and as the obe5dng party we know the sensations of constraint, im- pulsion, pressure, resistance, and motion, which usually com- mence immediately after the act of will; inasmuch as, on the other hand, we are accustomed to disregard this duality, and to deceive ourselves about it by means of the synthetic term "I": a whole series of erroneous conclusions, and con- sequently of false judgments about the will itself, has be- come attached to the act of willing — to such a degree that he who wills believes firmly that willing suffices for action. Since fn the majority of cases there has only been exercise of will when the effect of the command — consequently obedi- ence, and therefore action — was to be expected, the appear- ance has translated itself into the sentiment, as if there were a necessity of effect; in a word, he who wills believes with a fair amount of certainty that will and action are somehow one; he ascribes the success, the carrying out of the willing, BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 21 to the will itself, and thereby enjoys an increase of the sensa- tion of power which accompanies all success. "Freedom of Will" — that is the expression for the complex state of de- light of the person exercising volition, who commands and at the same time identifies himself with the executor of the order — who, as such, enjoys also the triumph over obstacles, but thinks within himself that it was really his own will that overcame them. In this way the person exercising vo- lition adds the feelings of delight of his successful executive instruments, the useful "underwills" or under-souls — indeed, our body is but a social structure composed of many souls — ■ to his feelings of delight as commander. L'effet c'est mot: what happens here is what happens in every well-constructed and happy commonwealth, namely, that the governing class identifies itself with the successes of the commonwealth. In all willing it is absolutely a question of commanding and obeying, on the basis, as already said, of a social structure composed of many "souls"; on which account a philosopher should claim the right to include willing-as-such within the sphere of morals — regarded as the doctrine of the relations of supremacy imder which the phenomenon of "life" mani- fests itself. 20 That the separate philosophical ideas are not anything optional or autonomously evolving, but grow up in connection and relationship with each other; that, however suddenly and arbitrarily they seem to appear in the history of thought, they nevertheless belong just as much to a system as the collective members of the fauna of a Continent — is betrayed in the end by the circumstance: how unfailingly the most diverse philosophers always fill in again a definite funda- 2 2 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL mental scheme of possible philosophies. Under an invisible spell, they always revolve once more in the same orbit; however independent of each other they may feel them- selves with their critical or systematic wills, something within them leads them, something impels them in definite order the one after the other — to wit, the innate methodology and re- lationship of their ideas. Their thinking is, in fact, far less a discovery than a re-recognising, a remembering, a return and a home-coming to a far-off, ancient common-household of the soul, out of which those ideas formerly grew: philoso- phising is so far a kind of atavism of the highest order. The wonderful family resemblance of all Indian, Greek, and German philosophising is easily enough explained. In fact, where there is affinity of language, owing to the common philosophy of grammar — I mean owing to the unconscious domination and guidance of similar grammatical functions — it cannot but be that everything is prepared at the outset for a similar development and succession of philosophical systems; just as the way seems barred against certain other possibilities of world-interpretation. It is highly probable that philosophers within the domain of the Ural-Altaic lan- guages (where the conception of the subject is least de- veloped) look otherwise "into the world," and will be found on paths of thought different from those of the Indo Ger- mans and Mussulmans, the spell of certain grammatical functious is ultimately also the spell of physiological valua- tions and racial conditions. — So much by way of rejecting Locke's superficiality with regard to the origin of ideas. BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 33 21 The causa sui is the best self-contradiction that has yet been conceived, it is a sort of logical violation and unnatural- ness; but the extravagant pride of man has managed to entangle itself profoundly and frightfully with this very folly. The desire for "freedom of will" in the superlative, metaphysical sense, such as still holds sway, unfortunately, in the minds of the half-educated, the desire to bear the entire and ultimate responsibility for one's actions oneself, and to absolve God, the world, ancestors, chance, and society therefrom, involves nothing less than to be precisely this causa sui, and, with more than Munchausen daring, to pull oneself up into existence by the hair, out of the slough of nothingness. If any one should find out in this manner the crass stupidity of the celebrated conception of "free will" and put it out of his head altogether, I beg of him to carry his "enlightenment" a step further, and also put out of his head the contrary of this monstrous conception of "free will": I mean "non-free will," which is tantamoimt to a misuse of cause and effect. One should not wrongly mate- rialise "cause" and "effect," as the natural philosophers da (and whoever like them naturalise in thinking at present), according to the prevailing mechanical doltishness which makes the cause press and push until it "effects" its end; one should use "cause" and "effect" only as pure concep- tions, that is to say, as conventional fictions for the purpose of designation and mutual understanding, — not for explana- tion. In "being-in-itself" there is nothing of "casual-con- nection," of "necessity," or of "psychological non-freedom; there the effect does not follow the cause, there "law" does not obtain. It is we alone who have devised cause, sequence^ 24 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL reciprocity, relativity, constraint, number, law, freedom, mo- tive, and purpose; and when we interpret and intermix this symbol- world, as "being in itself," with things, we act once more as we have always acted — mythologically. The "non- free will" is mythology; in real life it is only a question of strong and weak wills. — It is almost always a symptom of what is lacking in himself, when a thinker, in every "casual- connection" and "psychological necessity," manifests some- thing of compulsion, indigence, obsequiousness, oppression, and non-freedom; it is suspicious to have such feelings — the person betrays himself. And in general, if I have observed correctly, the "non-freedom of the will" is regarded as a problem from two entirely opposite standpoints, but always in a profoundly personal manner: some will not give up their "responsibility," their belief in themselves, the personal right to their merits, at any price (the vain races belong to this class) ; others on the contrary, do not wish to be answer- able for anything, or blamed for anything, and owing to an inward self-contempt, seek to get out of the business, no matter how. The latter, when they write books, are in the habit at present of taking the side of criminals; a sort of socialistic sympathy is their favourite disguise. And as a matter of fact, the fatalism of the weak-willed embellishes itself surprisingly when it can pose as "la religion de la souf- jrance humaine"; that is its "good taste." 22 Let me be pardoned, as an old philologist who cannot desist from the mischief of putting his finger on bad modes of interpretation, but "Nature's conformity to law," of which you physicists talk so proudly, as though — why, it exists only owing to your interpretation and bad "philology." It is no BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 35 matter of fact, no "text," but rather just a naively humani- tarian adjustment and perversion of meaning, with which you make abundant concessions to the democratic instincts of the modem soul! "Everywhere equality before the law — Nature is not different in that respect, nor better than we:" a fine instance of secret motive, in which the vulgar antago- nism to everything privileged and autocratic — likewise a second and more refined atheism — is once more disguised. "Ni dieu, ni maitre" — that, also, is what you want; and therefore "Cheers for natural law!" — is it not so? But, as has been said, that is interpretation, not text; and somebody might come along, who, with opposite intentions and modes of interpretation, could read out of the same "Nature," and with regard to the same phenomena, just the tyrannically inconsiderate and relentless enforcement of the claims of power — an interpreter who should so place the unexceptional- ness and unconditionalness of all "Will to Power" before your eyes, that almost every word, and the word "tyranny'* itself, would eventually seem imsuitable, or like a weakening and softening metaphor — as being too human; and who should, nevertheless, end by asserting the same about this world as you do, namely, that it has a "necessary" and "cal- culable" course, not, however, because laws obtain in it, but because they are absolutely lacking, and every power effects its ultimate consequences every moment. Granted that this also is only interpretation — and you will be eager enough to make this objection? — well, so much the better. 23 All psychology hitherto has run aground on moral pre- judices and timidities, it has not dared to launch out into the depths. In so far as it is allowable to recognise in that 26 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL which has hitherto been written, evidence of that which has hitherto been kept silent, it seems as if nobody had yef harboured the notion of psychology as the Morphology and Development-doctrine of the Will to Power, as I conceive of it. The power of moral prejudices has penetrated deeply fnto the most intellectual world, the world apparently most indifferent and unprejudiced, and has obviously operated In an injiuious, obstructive, blinding, and distorting manner. A proper physio-psychology has to contend with unconscious antagonism in the heart of the investigator, it has "the heart" against it: even a doctrine of the reciprocal condi- tionalness of the "good" and the "bad" impulses, causes (as refined immorality) distress and aversion in a still strong and manly conscience — still more so, a doctrine of the deriva- tion of all good impulses from bad ones. If, however, a person should regard even the emotions of hatred, envy, covetousness, and imperiousness as life-conditioning emo- tions, as factors which must be present, fundamentally and essentially, in the general economy of life (which must, there- fore, be further developed if life is to be further developed), he will suffer from such a view of things as from sea-sickness. And yet this hypothesis is far from being the strangest and most painful in this immense and almost new domain of dangerous knowledge; and there are in fact a hundred good reasons why every one should keep away from it who can do so! On the other hand, if one has once drifted hither with one's bark, well! very good! now let us set our teeth firmly! let us open our eyes and keep our hand fast on the helm! We sail away right over morality, we crush out, we destroy perhaps the remains of our own morality by daring to make our voyage thither — ^but what do we matter! Never yet did a projounder world of insight reveal itself to daring travellers and adventurers, and the psychologist who thus BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 27 "makes a sacrifice" — it is not the sacrifizio dell' intelletto, on the contrary! — will at least be entitled to demand in re- turn that psychology shall once more be recognised as the queen of the sciences, for whose service and equipment the other sciences exist. For psychology is once more the path to the fundamental problems. I CHAPTER II The Free Spirit 24 0 sancta simplicitas! In what strange simplification and falsification man lives! One can never cease wondering when once one has got eyes for beholding this marvel! How we have made everything around us clear and free and easy and simple! how we have been able to give our senses a passport to everything superficial, our thoughts a god-like desire for wanton pranks and wrong inferences! — how from the beginning, we have contrived to retain our ignorance in order to enjoy an almost inconceivable freedom, thought- lessness, imprudence, heartiness, and gaiety — in order to enjoy life! And only on this solidified, granite-like founda- tion of ignorance could knowledge rear itself hitherto, the will to knowledge on the foundation of a far more powerful will, the will to ignorance, to the uncertain, to the untrue! Not as its opposite, but — as its refinement! It is to be hoped, indeed, that language, here as elsewhere, will not get over its awkwardness, and that it will continue to talk of opposites where there are only degrees and many refinements of gradation; it is equally to be hoped that the incarnated Tartuffery of morals, which now belongs to our unconquer- able "flesh and blood," will turn the words round in the 28 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 29 mouths of us discerning ones. Here and there we under- stand it, and laugh at the way in which precisely the best knowledge seeks most to retain us in this simplified, thor- oughly artificial, suitably imagined and suitably falsified world: at the way in which, whether it will or not, it loves error, because, as living itself, it loves life! 25 After such a cheerful commencement, a serious word would fain be heard; it appeals to the most serious minds. Take care, ye philosophers and friends of knowledge, and beware of martyrdom! Of suffering ''for the truth's sake"! even in your own defence! It spoils all the innocence and fine neutrality of your conscience; it makes you headstrong against objections and red rags; it stupefies, animalises, and brutalises, when in the struggle with danger, slander, sus- picion, expulsion, and even worse consequences of enmity, ye have at last to play your last card as protectors of truth upon earth — as though "the Truth" were such an innocent and incompetent creature as to require protectors! and you of all people, ye knights of the sorrowful countenance, Messrs Loafers and Cobweb-spinners of the spirit! Finally, ye know sufficiently well that it cannot be of any consequence if ye just carry your point; ye know that hitherto no philoso- pher has carried his point, and that there might be a more laudable truthfulness in every little interrogative mark which you place after your special words and favourite doctrines (and occasionally after yourselves) than in all the solemn pantomime and trumping games before accusers and law- courts! Rather go out of the way! Flee into concealment! And have your masks and your ruses, that ye may be mis- taken for what you are, or somewhat feared! And pray, 30 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL don't forget the garden, the garden with golden trellis- work! And have people around you who are as a garden — or as music on the waters at eventide, when already the day be- comes a memory. Choose the good solitude, the free, wan- ton, lightsome solitude, which also gives you the right still to remain good in any sense whatsoever! How poisonous, how crafty, how bad, does every long war make one, which cannot be waged openly by means of force! How personal does a long fear make one, a long watching of enemies, of possible enemies! These pariahs of society, these long- pursued, badly-persecuted ones — also the compulsory re- cluses, the Spinozas or Giordano Brunos — always become in the end, even under the most intellectual masquerade, and perhaps without being themselves aware of it, refined ven- geance-seekers and poison-brewers (just lay bare the founda- tion of Spinoza's ethics and theology!), not to speak of the stupidity of moral indignation, which is the unfailing sign in a philosopher that the sense of philosophical humour has left him. The martyrdom of the philosopher, his "sacri- fice for the sake of truth," forces into the light whatever of the agitator and actor lurks in him; and if one has hitherto contemplated him only with artistic curiosity, with regard to many a philosopher it is easy to understand the dangerous desire to see him also in his deterioration (deteriorated into a "martyr," into a stage- and tribune-bawler) . Only, that it is necessary with such a desire to be clear what spectacle one will see in any case — merely a satyric play, merely an epilogue farce, merely the continued proof that the long, real tragedy is at an end, supposing that every philosophy has been a long tragedy in its origin. f 1 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 31 26 Every select man strives instinctively for a citadel and a privacy, where he is free from the crowd, the many, the ma- jority— where he may forget "men who are the rule," as their exception; — exclusive only of the case in which he is pushed straight to such men by a still stronger instinct, as a discemer in the great and exceptional sense. Whoever, in intercourse with men, does not occasionally glisten in all the green and grey colours of distress, owing to disgust, satiety, sympathy, gloominess and solitariness, is assuredly not a man of elevated tastes; supposing, however, that he does not voluntarily take all this burden and disgust upon himself, that he persistently avoids it, and remains, as I said, quietly and proudly hidden in his citadel, one thing is then certain: he was not made, he was not predestined for knowl- edge. For as such, he would one day have to say to him- self: ''The devil take my good taste! but 'the rule' is more interesting than the exception — than myself, the exception ! " And he would go down, and above all, he would go "inside." The long and serious study of the average man — and conse- quently much disguise, self-overcoming, familiarity, and bad intercourse (all intercourse is bad intercourse except with one's equals) : — that constitutes a necessary part of the life- history of every philosopher; perhaps the most disagreeable, odious, and disappointing part. If he is fortunate, however, as a favourite child of knowledge should be, he will meet with suitable auxiliaries who will shorten and lighten his task; I mean so-called cynics, those who simply recognise the ani- mal, the common-place and "the rule" in themselves, and at the same time have so much spirituality and ticklishness as to make them talk of themselves and their like before wit- 32 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL nesse^ — sometimes they wallow, even in books, as on their own dung-hill. Cynicism is the only form in which base souls approach what is called honesty; and the higher man must open his ears to all the coarser or finer cynicism, and congratulate himself when the clown becomes shameless right before him, or the scientific satyr speaks out. There are even cases where enchantment mixes with the disgust — namely, where by a freak of nature, genius is bound to some such indiscreet billy-goat and ape, as in the case of the Abbe Galiani, the profoundest, acutest, and perhaps also filthiest man of his century — he was far profounder than Voltaire, and consequently also, a good deal more silent. It happens more frequently, as has been hinted, that a scien- tific head is placed on an ape's body, a fine exceptional understanding in a base soul, an occurrence by no means rare, especially amongst doctors and moral physiologists. And whenever anyone speaks without bitterness, or rather quite innocently of man, as a belly with two requirements, and a head with one; whenever any one sees, seeks and wants to see only hunger, sexual instinct, and vanity as the real and only motives of human actions; in short, when any one speaks "badly" — and not even "ill" — of man, then ought the lover of knowledge to hearken attentively and diligently; he ought, in general, to have an open ear wherever there is talk without indignation. For the indignant man, and he who perpetually tears and lacerates himself with his own teeth (or, in place of himself, the world, God, or society), may indeed, morally speaking, stand higher than the laugh- ing and self-satisfied satyr, but in every other sense he is the more ordinary, more indifferent, and less instructive case. And no one is such a liar as the indignant man. BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL ss 27 It is difficult to be understood, especially when one thinks and lives gangasrotogati* among those only who think and live otherwise — namely, kurmagati,^ or at best "froglike," mandeikagati% (I do everything to be "difficultly understood" myself!) — and one should be heartily grateful for the good will to some refinement of interpretation. As regards "the good friends," however, who are always too easy-going, and think that as friends they have a right to ease, one does well at the very first to grant them a play-ground and romp- ing-place for misunderstanding — one c£m thus laugh still; or get rid of them altogether, these good friends — and laugh then also! 28 What is most difficult to render from one language into another is the tempo of its style, which has its basis in the character of the race, or to speak more physiologically, in the average tempo of the assimilation of its nutriment. There are honestly meant translations, which, as involuntary vul- garisations, are almost falsifications of the original, merely ^because its lively and merry tempo (which overleaps and ob- dates all dangers in word and expression) could not also be 'rendered. A German is almost incapacitated for presto in ^his language; consequently also, as may be reasonably in- ferred, for many of the most delightful and daring nuances 3f free, free-spirited thought. And just as the buffoon and ityr are foreign to him in body and conscience, so Aristo- * Like the river Ganges : presto fLike the tortoise: lento. ^Like the frog: staccato. 34 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL phanes and Petronius are untranslatable for him. Every- thing ponderous, viscous, and pompously clumsy, all long- winded and wearying species of style, are developed in pro- fuse variety among Germans — pardon me for stating the fact that even Goethe's prose, in its mixture of stiffness and ele- gance, is no exception, as a reflection of the "good old time" to which it belongs, and as an expression of German taste at a time when there was still a "German taste," which was a rococo-taste in moribus et artibus. Lessing is an excep- tion, owing to his histrionic nature, which understood much, and was versed in many things; he who was not the trans- lator of Bayle to no purpose, who took refuge willingly in the shadow of Diderot and Voltaire, and still more willingly among the Roman comedy-writers — Lessing loved also free- spiritism in the tempo, and flight out of Germany. But how could the German language, even in the prose of Lessing, imitate the tempo of Machiavelli, who in his "Principe" makes us breathe the dry, fine air of Florence, and cannot help presenting the most serious events in a boisterous alle- grissimo, perhaps not without a malicious artistic sense of the contrast he ventures to present — long, heavy, difficult, dangerous thoughts, and a tempo of the gallop, and of the best, wantonest humour? Finally, who would venture on a German translation of Petronius, who, more than any great musician hitherto, was a master of presto in invention, ideas, and words? What matter in the end about the swamps of the sick, evil world, or of the "ancient world," when like him, one has the feet of a wind, the rush, the breath, the emancipating scorn of a wind, which makes everything healthy, by making everything run! And with regard to Aristophanes — that transfiguring, complementary genius, for whose sake one pardons all Hellenism for having existed, provided one has understood in its full profundity all thatd I BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 35 Ihere requires pardon and transfiguration; there is nothing that has caused me to meditate more on Plato's secrecy and sphinx-like nature, than the happily preserved petit fait that under the pillow of his death-bed there was found no "Bi- ble," nor anything Egyptian, Pythagorean, or Platonic — but a book of Aristophanes. How could even Plato have en- dured life — a Greek life which he repudiated — without an Aristophanes! 29 It is the business of the very few to be independent; it is a privilege of the strong. And whoever attempts it, even with the best right, but without being obliged to do so, proves that he is probably not only strong, but also daring beyond measure. He enters into a labyrinth, he multiplies a thou- sandfold the dangers which life in itself already brings with it; not the least of which is that no one can see how and where he loses his way, becomes isolated, and is torn piece- meal by some minotaur of conscience. Supposing such a one comes to grief, it is so far from the comprehension of men that they neither feel it, nor sjonpathise with it. And he cannot any longer go back! He cannot even go back [again to the sympathy of men! 30 Our deepest insights must — and should — appear as fol- [lies, and under certain circumstances as crimes, when they jme unauthorisedly to the ears of those who are not dis- )sed and predestined for them. The exoteric and the eso- [teric, as they were formerly distinguished by philosophers — long the Indians, as among the Greeks, Persians, and Mus- 36 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL sulmans, in short, wherever people believed in gradations of rank and not in equality and equal rights — are not so much in contradistinction to one another in respect to the exoteric class, standing without, and viewing, estimating, measuring, and judging from the outside, and not from the inside; the more essential distinction is that the class in question views things from below upwards — while the eso- teric class views things jrom above downwards. There are heights of the soul from which tragedy itself no longer ap- pears to operate tragically; and if all the woe in the world were taken together, who would dare to decide whether the sight of it would necessarily seduce and constrain to sympa- thy, and thus to a doubling of the woe? . . . That which serves the higher class of men for nourishment or refresh- ment, must be almost poison to an entirely different and lower order of human beings. The virtues of the common man would perhaps mean vice and weakness in a philoso- pher; it might be possible for a highly developed man, supposing him to degenerate and go to ruin, to acquire qualities thereby alone, for the sake of which he would have to be honoured as a saint in the lower world into which he had sunk. There are books which have an inverse value for the soul and the health according as the inferior soul and the lower vitality, or the higher and more powerful, make use of them. In the former case they are dangerous, dis- turbing, unsettling books, in the latter case they are herald- calls which summon the bravest to their bravery. Books for the general reader are always ill-smelling books, the odour of paltry people clings to them. Where the populace eat and drink, and even where they reverence, it is accus- tomed to stink. One should not go into churches if one wishes to breathe pure air. BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 37 31 i In our youthful years we still venerate and despise with- out the art of nuance, which is the best gain of life, and we have rightly to do hard penance for having fallen upon men and things with Yea and Nay. Everything is so arranged that the worst of all tastes, the taste for the unconditional, is cruelly befooled and abused, until a man learns to intro- duce a little art into his sentiments, and prefers to try con- clusions with the artificial, as do the real artists of life. The angry and reverent spirit peculiar to youth appears to allow itself no peace, until it has suitably falsified men and things, to be able to vent its passion upon them: youth in itself even, is something falsifying and deceptive. Later on, when the young soul, tortured by continual disillusions, finally turns suspiciously against itself — still ardent and sav- age even in its suspicion and remorse of conscience: how it upbraids itself, how impatiently it tears itself, how it re- venges itself for its long self-blinding, as though it had been a voluntary blindness! In this transition one punishes one- self by distrust of one's sentiments; one tortures one's en- thusiasm with doubt, one feels even the good conscience to be a danger, as if it were the self-concealment and lassi- tude of a more refined uprightness; and above all, one espouses upon principle the cause against "youth." — A dec- ade later, and one comprehends that all this was also still-- youth! 32 Throughout the longest period of human history — one Us it the prehistoric period — the value or none-value of 38 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL an action was inferred from its consequences; the action in itself was not taken into consideration, any more than its origin; but pretty much as in China at present, where the distinction or disgrace of a child redounds to its parents, the retro-operating power of success or failure was what induced men to think well or ill of an action. Let us call this period the pre-moral period of mankind; the imperative, "know thyself!" was then still unknown. — In the last ten thousand years, on the other hand, on certain large portions of the earth, one has gradually got so far, that one no longer lets the consequences of an action, but its origin, decide Vv'ith regard to its worth: a great achievement as a whole, an im- portant refinement of vision and of criterion, the uncon- scious effect of the supremacy of aristocratic values and of the belief in "origin," the mark of a period which may be designated in the narrower sense as the moral one: the first attempt at self-knowledge is thereby made. Instead of the consequences, the origin — what an inversion of perspective! And assuredly an inversion effected only after long struggle and wavering! To be sure, an ominous new superstition, a peculiar narrowness of interpretation, attained supremacy precisely thereby: the origin of an action was interpreted in the most definite sense possible, as origin out of an intention; people were agreed in the belief that the value of an action lay in the value of its intention. The intention as the sole origin and antecedent history of an action: under the influence of this prejudice moral praise and blame have been bestowed, and men have judged and even philoso- phised almost up to the present day. — Is it not possible, however, that the necessity may now have arisen of again making up our minds with regard to the reversing and fundamental shifting of values, owing to a new self-con- sciousness and acuteness in man — is it not possible that we BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 39 may be standing on the threshold of a period which to be- gin with, would be distinguished negatively as ultra-moral: nowadays when, at least amongst us immoralists, the sus- picion arises that the decisive value of an action lies pre- cisely in that which is not intentional, and that all its inten- tionalness, all that is seen, sensible, or "sensed" in it, be- longs to its surface or skin — which, like every sldn, betrays something, but conceals still more? In short, we believe that the intention is only a sign or symptom, which first requires an explanation — a sign, moreover, which has too many interpretations, and consequently hardly any meaning in itself alone: that morality, in the sense in which it has been understood hitherto, as intention-morality, has been a prejudice, perhaps a prematureness or preliminariness, prob- ably something of the same rank as astrology and alchemy, but in any case something which must be surmounted. The surmounting of morality, in a certain sense even the self-mounting of morality — ^let that be the name for the long secret labour which has been reserved for the most re- fined, the most upright, and also the most wicked con- sciences of to-day, as the living touchstones of the soul. 33 It cannot be helped: the sentiment of surrender, of sacri- fice for one's neighbour, and all self-renunciation-morality, must be mercilessly called to account, and brought to judg- ment ; just as the aesthetics of "disinterested contemplation," under which the emasculation of art nowadays seeks insidi- ously enough to create itself a good conscience. There is far too much witchery and sugar in the sentiments "for others" and "not for myself," for one not needing to be doubly distrustful here, and for one asking promptly: "Are 40 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL they not perhaps — deceptions?" — That they please — him who has them, and him who enjoys their fruit, and also the mere spectator — that is still no argument in their favour, but just calls for caution. Let us therefore be cautious! 34 I At whatever standpoint of philosophy one may place one- self nowadays, seen from every position, the erroneousness of the world in which we think we live is the surest and most certain thing our eyes can light upon: we find proof after proof thereof, which would fain allure us into sur- mises concerning a deceptive principle in the "nature of things." He, however, who makes thinking itself, and con- sequently "the spirit," responsible for the falseness of the world — an honourable exit, which every conscious or un- conscious advocatus del avails himself of — he who regards this world, including space, time, form, and movement, as falsely deduced, would have at least good reason in the end to become distrustful also of all thinking; has it not hith- erto been playing upon us the worst of scurvy tricks? and what guarantee would it give that it would not continue to do what it has always been doing? In all seriousness, the innocence of thinkers has something touching and respect- inspiring in it, which even nowadays permits them to wait upon consciousness with the request that it will give them honest answers: for example, whether it be "real" or not, and why it keeps the outer world so resolutely at a distance, and other questions of the same description. The belief in "immediate certainties" is a moral naivete which does hon- our to us philosophers; but — we have now to cease being "merely moral" men! Apart from morality, such belief is a folly which does little honour to us! If in middle-claJj BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 41 te an ever-ready distrust is regarded as the sign of a "bad racter," and consequently as an imprudence, here longst us, beyond the middle-class world and its Yeas and fays, what should prevent our being imprudent and saying: ie philosopher has at length a right to "bad character," as le being who has hitherto been most befooled on earth — he is now under obligation to distrustfulness, to the wicked- est squinting out of every abyss of suspicion. — Forgive me. the joke of this gloomy grimace and turn of expression; for I myself have long ago learned to think and estimate differ- ently with regard to deceiving and being deceived, and I keep at least a couple of pokes in the ribs ready for the blind rage with which philosophers struggle against being deceived. Why not? It is nothing more than a moral prejudice that truth is worth more than semblance; it is, in fact, the worst proved supposition in the world. So much must be conceded: there could have been no life at all ex- cept upon the basis of perspective estimates and semblances; and if, with the virtuous enthusiasm and stupidity of many philosophers, one wished to do away altogether with the "seeming world" — well, granted that you could do that, — at least nothing of your "truth" would thereby remain! Indeed, what is it that forces us in general to the supposi- tion that there is an essential opposition of "true" and ■"false"? Is it not enough to suppose degrees of seeming- ness, and as it were lighter and darker shades and tones of semblance — different valeurs, as the painters say? Why might not the world which concerns us — be a fiction? And .to any one who suggested: "But to a fiction belongs an originator?" — might it not be bluntly replied: Why? May not this "belong" also belong to the fiction? Is it not at length permitted to be a little ironical towards the subject, just as towards the predicate and object? Might not the 42 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL philosopher elevate himself above faith in grammar? All respect to governesses, but is it not time that philosc^hy should renounce governess-faith? 35 O Voltaire! O humanity! O idiocy! There is some- thing ticklish in "the truth," and in the search for the truth; and if man goes about it too humanely — "il ne cherche le vrai que pour faire le bien" — I wager he finds nothing! 36 Supposing that nothing else is "given" as real but our world of desires and passions, that we cannot sink or rise to any other "reality" but just that of our impulses — for thinking is only a relation of these impulses to one another: — are we not permitted to make the attempt and to ask the question whether this which is "given" does not suffice, by means of our coimterparts, for the understanding even of the so-called mechanical (or "material") world? I do not mean as an illusion, a "semblance," a "representation" (in the Berkeleyan and Schopenhauerian sense), but as pos- sessing the same degree of reality as our emotions them- selves— as a more primitive form of the world of emotions, in which everything still lies locked in a mighty unity, which afterwards branches off and develops itself in organic processes (naturally also, refines and debilitates) — as a kind of instinctive life in which all organic functions, including self-regulation, assimilation, nutrition, secretion, and change of matter, are still synthetically united with one another— as a primary form of life? — ^In the end, it is not only per mitted to make this attempt, it is commanded by the co: 1 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 43 science of logical method. Not to assume several kinds of causality, so long as the attempt to get along with a single one has not been pushed to its furtherest extent (to absurd- ity, if I may be allowed to say so) : that is a morality of method which one may not repudiate nowadays — it follows "from its definition," as mathematicians say. The question is ultimately whether we really recognise the will as operat- ing, whether we believe in the causality of the will ; if we do so — and fundamentally our belief in this is just our belief in causality itself — we must make the attempt to posit hypo- thetically the causality of the will as the only causality. "Will" can naturally only operate on "will" — and not on "matter" (not on "nerves," for instance) : in short, the hypothesis must be hazarded, whether will does not operate on will wherever "effects" are recognised — and whether all mechanical action, inasmuch as a power operates therein, is not just the power of will, the effect of will. Granted, finally, that we succeeded in explaining our entire instinc- tive life as the development and ramification of one funda- mental form of will — namely, the Will to Power, as my thesis puts it; granted that all organic functions could be traced back to this Will to Power, and that the solution of the problem of generation and nutrition — it is one prob- lem— could also be found therein: one would thus have ac- quired the right to define all active force unequivocally as WiU to Power. The world seen from within, the world de- fined and designated according to its "intelligible character" — it would simply be "Will to Power," and nothing else. 44 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 37 "What? Does not that mean in popular language: God is disproved, but not the devil"? — On the contrary! On the contrary, my friends! And who the devil also compels you to speak popularly 1 38 I As happened finally in all the enlightenment of modem times with the French Revolution (that terrible farce, quite superfluous when judged close at hand, into which, however, the noble and visionary spectators of all Europe have inter- preted from a distance their own indignation and enthusiasm so long and passionately, until the text has disappeared un- der the interpretation), so a noble posterity might once more misunderstand the whole of the past, and perhaps only thereby make its aspect endurable. — Or rather, has not this already happened? Have not we ourselves been — that "noble posterity"? And, in so far as we now comprehend this, is it not — thereby already past? 39 Nobody will very readily regard a doctrine as true merely because it makes people happy or virtuous — excepting, per- haps, the amiable "Idealists," who are enthusiastic about the good, true, and beautiful, and let all kinds of motley, coarse, and good-natured desirabilities swim about promis- cuously in their pond. Happiness and virtue are no argu- ments. It is willingly forgotten, however, even on the part of thoughtful minds, that to make unhappy £ind to make BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 45 bad are just as little counter-arguments. A thing could be true, although it were in the highest degree injurious and dangerous; indeed, the fundamental constitution of exist- ence might be such that one succumbed by a full knowledge of it — so that the strength of a mind might be measured by the amount of "truth" it could endure — or to speak more plainly, by the extent to which it required truth attenuated, veiled, sweetened, damped, and falsified. But there is no doubt that for the discovery of certain portions of truth the wicked and unfortunate are more favourably situated and have a greater likelihood of success; not to spezik of the wicked who are happy — a species about whom moralists are silent. Perhaps severity and craft are more favourable conditions for the development of strong, independent spirits and philosophers than the gentle, refined, yielding good- nature, and habit of taking things easily, which are prized, and rightly prized in a learned man. Presupposing always, to begin with, that the term "philosopher" be not confined to the philosopher who writes books, or even introduces his philosophy into books! — Stendhal furnishes a last feature of the portrait of the free-spirited philosopher, which for the sake of German taste I will not omit to underline — for it is opposed to German taste. "Pour etre bon philosophe," says this last great psychologist, "il jaut etre sec, clair, sans illusion. Un banquier, qui a fait fortune, a une partie du caractere requis pour faire des decouvertes en philosophie, c'est-d-dire pour voir clair dans ce qui est." j^ Everything that is profound loves the mask: the pro- j foundest things have a hatred even of figure and likeness. Should not the contrary only be the right disguise for the 46 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL shame of a God to go about in? A question worth asking! — it would be strange if some mystic has not already ventured on the same kind of thing. There are proceedings of such a delicate nature that it is well to overwhelm them with coarseness and make them unrecognisable; there are ac- tions of love and of an extravagant magnanimity after which nothing can be wiser than to take a stick and thrash the witness soundly: one thereby obscures his recollection. Many a one is able to obscure and abuse his own memory, in order at least to have vengeance on this sole party in the secret: shame is inventive. They are not the worst things of which one is most ashamed: there is not only deceit be- hind a mask — there is so much goodness in craft. I could imagine that a man with something costly and fragile to conceal, would roll through life clumsily and rotundly like an old, green, heavily-hooped wine-cask: the refinement of his shame requiring it to be so. A man who has depths in his shame meets his destiny and his delicate decisions upon paths which few ever reach, and with regard to the exist- ence of which his nearest and most intimate friends may be ignorant; his mortal danger conceals itself from their eyes, and equally so his regained security. Such a hidden nature, which instinctively employs speech for silence and conceal- ment, and is inexhaustible in evasion of communication, de- sires and insists that a mask of himself shall occupy his place in the hearts and heads of his friends; and supposing he does not desire it, his eyes will some day be opened to the fact that there is nevertheless a mask of him there — and that it is well to be so. Every profound spirit needs a mask; nay, more, around every profound spirit there continually grows a mask, owing to the constantly false, that is to say, superficial interpretation of every word he utters, every step he takes, every sign of life he manifests. II BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 47 41 One must subject oneself to one's own tests that one is destined for independence and command, and do so at the right time. One must not avoid one's tests, although they constitute perhaps the most dangerous game one can play, and are in the end tests made only before ourselves and before no other judge. Not to cleave to any person, be it even the dearest — every person is a prison and also a re- cess. Not to cleave to a fatherland, be it even the most suffering and necessitous — it is even less difficult to detach one's heart from a victorious fatherland. Not to cleave to a S5anpathy, be it even for higher men, into whose peculiar torture and helplessness chance has given us an insight. Not to cleave to a science, though it tempt one with the most valuable discoveries, apparently specially reserved for us. Not to cleave to one's own liberation, to the voluptuous distance and remoteness of the bird, which always flies fur- ther aloft in order always to see more under it — the danger of the flier. Not to cleave to our own virtues, nor become as a whole a victim to any of our specialties, to our "hos- pitality" for instance, which is the danger of dangers for highly developed and wealthy souls, who deal prodigally, almost indifferently with themselves, and push the virtue of liberality so far that it becomes a vice. One must know how to conserve oneself — the best test of independence. I 4* A new order of philosophers is appearing; I shall venture to baptize them by a name not without danger. As far as I understand them, as far as they allow themselves to be 48 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL understood — for it is their nature to wish to remain some- thing of a puzzle — these philosophers of the future might rightly, perhaps also wrongly, claim to be designated as "tempters." This name itself is after all only an attempt, or, if it be preferred, a temptation. 43 Will they be new friends of "truth," these coming philoso* phers? Very probably, for all philosophers hitherto have loved their truths. But assuredly they will not be dog- matists. It must be contrary to their pride, and also con- Vrary to their taste, that their truth should still be truth for every one — that which has hitherto been the secret wish and ultimate purpose of all dogmatic efforts. "My opinion is my opinion: another person has not easily a right to it" — such \i. philosopher of the future will say, perhaps. One must Yenounce the bad taste of wishing to agree with many peo- ple. "Good" is no longer good when one's neighbour takes it into his mouth. And how could there be a "common good"! The expression contradicts itself; that which can be common is always of small value. In the end things must be as they are and have always been — the great things remain for the great, the abysses for the profound, the deli- cacies and thrills for the refined, and, to sum up shortly, everything rare for the rare. 44 Need I say expressly after all this that they will be free, very free spirits, these philosophers of the future — as cer- tainly also they will not be merely free spirits, but something more, higher, greater, and fundamentally different, which BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 49 does not wish to be misunderstood and mistaken? But while I say this, I feel under obligation almost as much to them as to ourselves (we free spirits who are their heralds and forerunners), to sweep away from ourselves altogether a stupid old prejudice and misunderstanding, which, like a fog, has too long made the conception of "free spirit" ob- scure. In every country of Europe, and the same in Amer- ica, there is at present something which makes an abuse of this name: a very narrow, prepossessed, enchained class of spirits, who desire almost the opposite of what our inten- tions and instincts prompt — not to mention that in respect to the new philosophers who are appearing, they must still more be closed windows and bolted doors. Briefly and re- grettably, they belong to the levellers, these wrongly named "free spirits" — as glib-tongued and scribe-fingered ^laves of the democratic taste and its "modem ideas": all moi them men without solitude, without personal solitude, 'blunt honest fellows to whom neither courage nor honourable conduct ought to be denied; only, they are not free, and are ludicrously superficial, especially in their innate partiality for seeing the cause of almost all human misery and failure in the old forms in which society hsis hitherto existed — a notion which happily inverts the truth entirely! What they would fain attain with all their strength, is the universal, green-meadow happiness of the herd, together with security, safety, comfort, and alleviation of life for every one; their two most frequently chanted songs and doctrines are called luality of Rights" and "Sympathy with all Sufferers" — |d suffering itself is looked upon by them as something lich must be done away with. We opposite ones, how- ;r, who have opened our eye and conscience to the ques- how and where the plant "man" has hitherto grown most vigourously, believe that tliis has always taken place $0 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL under the opposite conditions, that for this end the danger- ousness of his situation had to be increased enormously, his inventive faculty and dissembling power (his "spirit") had to develop into subtlety and daring under long oppression and compulsion, and his Will to Life had to be increased to the unconditioned Will to Power: — we believe that severity, violence, slavery, danger in the street and in the heart, se- crecy, stoicism, tempter's art and devilry of every kind, — that everything wicked, terrible, tyrannical, predatory, and serpentine in man, serves as well for the elevation of the human species as its opposite: — we do not even say enough when we only say this much; and in any case we find our- selves here, both with our speech and our silence, at the ether extreme of all modem ideology and gregarious desira- bility, as their antipodes perhaps? What wonder that we ^'free spirits" are not exactly the most communicative spir- its? that we do not wish to betray in every respect what ai spirit can free itself from, and where perhaps it will then be driven? And as to the import of the dangerous formula, "Beyond Good and Evil," with which we at least avoid con- fusion, we are something else than "libres-penseurs," "liberi pensatori" "free-thinkers," and whatever these honest ad- vocates of "modem ideas" like to call themselves. Havingi been at home, or at least guests, in many realms of the spirit; having escaped again and again from the gloomy, agreeablei nooks in which preferences and prejudices, youth, origin, thci accident of men and books, or even the weariness of travel seemed to confine us; full of malice against the seductions of dependency which lie concealed in honours, money, positions,! or exaltation of the senses; grateful even for distress and the vicissitudes of illness, because they always free us from' some rule, and its "prejudice," grateful to the God, devil, 3^6^, and worm in us; inquisitive to a fault, investigat II w BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 51 to the point of cruelty, with unhesitating fingers for the in- tangible, with teeth and stomachs for the most indigestible, ready for any business that requires sagacity and acute senses, ready for every adventure, owing to an excess of "free will"; with anterior and posterior souls, into the ulti- mate intentions of which it is difficult to pry, with fore- grounds and backgrounds to the end of which no foot may run; hidden ones imder the mantles of light, appropriators, although we resemble heirs and spendthrifts, arrangers and collectors from morning till night, misers of our wealth and our full-crammed drawers, economical in learning and for- getting, inventive in scheming; sometimes proud of tables of categories, sometimes pedants, sometimes night-owls of work even in full day; yea, if necessary, even scarcecrows — and it is necessary nowadays, that is to say, inasmuch as we are the bom, sworn, jealous friends of solitude, of our own pro- foundest midnight and mid-day solitude: — such kind of men are we, we free spirits! And perhaps ye are also something of the same kind, ye coming ones? ye new philosophers? CHAPTER III The Religious Mood 45 The human soul and its limits, the range of man's inn| experiences hitherto attained, the heights, depths and dis^ tances of these experiences, the entire history of the soul up to the present time, and its still unexhausted possibili- ties: this is the preordained hunting- domain for a bom psy- chologist and lover of a "big hunt." But how often must he say despairingly to himself: "A single individual! alas, only a single individual! and this great forest, this virgin forest!" So he would like to have some hundreds of hunt- ing assistants, and fine trained hounds, that he could send into the history of the human soul, to drive his game to- gether. In vain: again and again he experiences, pro- foundly and bitterly, how difficult it is to find assistants and dogs for all the things that directly excite his curiosity. The evil of sending scholars into new and dangerous hunting- domains, where courage, sagacity, and subtlety in every sense are required, is that they are no longer serviceable just when the "big hunt," and also the great danger com- mences,— it is precisely then that they lose their keen eye and nose. In order, for instance, to divine and determine what sort of history the problem of knowledge and conscien^ 52 J BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 55 has hitherto had in the souls of homines religiosi, a person would perhaps himself have to possess as profound, as bruised, as immense an experience as the intellectual con- science of Pascal; and then he would still require that wide-spread heaven of clear, wicked spirituality, which, from above, would be able to oversee, arrange, and effectively for- mulise this mass of dangerous and painful experiences. — But who could do me this service! And who would have time to wait for such servants! — they evidently appear too rarely, they are so improbable at all times! Eventually one must do everything oneself in order to know something; whiclr means that one has much to do! — But a curiosity like mine is once for all the most agreeable of vices — pardon me! I mean to say that the love of truth has its reward in heaven, and already upon earth. 46 Faith, such as early Christianity desired, and not infre- quently achieved in the midst of a sceptical and southemly free-spirited world, which had centuries of struggle between philosophical schools behind it and in it, counting besides the education in tolerance which the imperium Romanum gave — this faith is not that sincere, austere slave-faith by which perhaps a Luther or a Cromwell, or some other north- em barbarian of the spirit remained attached to his God and Christianity; it is much rather the faith of Pascal, which xesembles in a terrible manner a continuous suicide of rea- — a tough, long-lived, wormlike reason, which is not to slain at once and with a single blow. The Christian faith from the beginning, is sacrifice: the sacrifice of all freedom, all pride, all self-confidence of spirit; it is at the same time abjection, self -derision, and self-mutilation. There is C 54 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 1 cruelty and religious Phoenicianism in this faith, which adapted to a tender, many-sided, and very fastidious con- science; it takes for granted that the subjection of the spirit is indescribably painful, that all the past and all the habits of such a spirit resist the absurdissimum, in the form of which "faith" comes to it. Modem men, with their ob- tuseness as regards all Christian nomenclature, have no longer the sense for the terribly superlative conception which was implied to an antique taste by the paradox of the for- mula, "God on the Cross." Hitherto there had never and nowhere been such boldness in inversion, nor anything at once so dreadful, questioning, and questionable as this for- mula: it promised a transvaluation of all ancient values. — It was the Orient, the profound Orient, it was the Oriental slave who thus took revenge on Rome and its noble, light- minded toleration, on the Roman "Catholicism" of non- faith ; and it was always, not the faith, but the freedom from the faith, the half-stoical and smiling indifference to the seriousness of the faith, which mades the slaves indignant at their masters and revolt against them. "Enlightenment" causes revolt: for the slave desires the unconditioned, he understands nothing but the tyrannous, even in morals; he loves as he hates, without nuance, to the very depths, to the point of pain, to the point of sickness — his many hidden sufferings make him revolt against the noble taste which seems to deny suffering. The scepticism with regard to suf- fering, fundamentally only an attitude of aristocratic mo- rality, was not the least of the causes, also, of the last great slave-insurrection which began with the French Revolu tion. BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL $5 47 Wherever the religious neurosis has appeared on the earth so far, we find it connected with three dangerous prescrip- tions as to regimen: solitude, fasting, and sexual abstinence — but without its being possible to determine with certainty which is cause and which is effect, or if any relation at all of cause and effect exists there. This latter doubt is justified by the fact that one of the most regular symptoms among savage as well as among civilised peoples is the most sudden and excessive sensuality; which then with equal suddenness transforms into penitential paroxysms, world-renunciation, and will-renunciation: both symptoms perhaps explainable as disguised epilepsy? But nowhere is it more obligatory to put aside explanations: around no other type has there grown such a mass of absurdity and superstition, no other type seems to have been more interesting to men and even to philosophers — perhaps it is time to become just a little in- different here, to learn caution, or, better still, to look away,. to go away. — Yet in the background of the most recent philosophy, that of Schopenhauer, we find almost as the ■roblem in itself, this terrible note of interrogation of the teligious crisis and awakening. How is the negation of will ^ssible? how is the saint possible? — that seems to have been ■le very question with which Schopenhauer made a start and became a philosopher. And thus it was a genuine ichopenhauerian consequence, that his most convinced ad- ent (perhaps also his last, as far as Germany is con- ed), namely, Richard Wagner, should bring his ovm work to an end just here, and should finally put that ible and eternal type upon the stage as Kundry, type u, and as it loved and lived, at the very time that the 56 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL mad-doctors in almost all European countries had an oppor- tunity to study the type close at hand, wherever the reli- gious neurosis — or as I call it, "the religious mood" — made its latest epidemical outbreak and display as the "Salvation Army." — If it be a question, however, as to what has been so extremely interesting to men of all sorts in all ages, and even to philosophers, in the whole phenomenon of the saint, it is undoubtedly the appearance of the miraculous therein — ^namely, the immediate succession of opposites, of states of the soul regarded as morally antithetical: it was believed here to be self-evident that a "bad man" was all at once turned into a "saint," a good man. The hitherto existing psychology was wrecked at this point; is it not possible it may have happened principally because psychology had placed itself under the dominion of morals, because it be- lieved in oppositions of moral values, and saw, read, and interpreted these oppositions into the text and facts of the case? What? "Miracle" only an error of interpretation? A lack of philology? 48 It seems that the Latin races are far more deeply attached to their Catholicism than we Northerners are to Christianity generally, and that consequently unbelief in Catholic coun- tries means something quite different from what it does among Protestants — namely, a sort of revolt against the spirit of the race, while with us it is rather a return to the spirit (or non-spirit) of the race. We Northerners undoubt- edly derive our origin from barbarous races, even as regards our talents for religion — we have poor talents for it. On^ may make an exception in the case of the Celts, who ha\ theretofore furnished also the best soil for Christian infe BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 57 tion in the north: the Christian ideal blossomed forth in France as much as ever the pale sun of the north would allow it. How strangely pious for our taste are still these later French sceptics, whenever there is any Celtic blood in their origin! How Catholic, how un-German does Auguste Comte's Sociology seem to us, with the Roman logic of its instincts! How Jesuitical, that amiable and shrewd cicerone of Port-Royal, Sainte-Beuve, in spite of all his hostility to Jesuits! And even Ernest Renan: how inaccessible to u^ Northerners does the language of such a Renan appear, in whom every instant the merest touch of religious thrill throws his refined voluptuous and comfortably couching soul off its balance! Let us repeat after him these fine sentences — and what wickedness and haughtiness is immediately aroused by way of answer m our probably less beautiful but harder souls, that is to say, in our more German souls! — "Disons done hardiment que la religion est un produit de Vhomtne normal, que I'homme est le plus dans le vrai quand il est le plus religieux et le plus assure d'une destinee infinie. . . . C'est quand il est bon qu'il veut que la virtu corre- sponde a un order iternal, c'est quand il contemple les choses d'une manihe desintiressee qu'il trouve la mort revoltante et bsurde. Comment ne pas supposer que c'est dans ces mo- ents-la, que I'homme voit le mieux?" . . . These sentences e so extremely antipodal to my ears and habits of thought, at in my first impulse of rage on finding them, I wrote •n the margin, "la niaiserie religieuse par excellence!" — imtil « in my later rage I even took a fancy to them, these sentences Bnth their truth absolutely inverted! It is so nice and Huch a distinction to have one's own antipodes! I S8 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 49 i That which is so astonishing in the religious life of the ancient Greeks is the irrestrainable stream of gratitude which it pours forth — it is a very superior kind of man who takes such an attitude towards nature and life. — ^Later on, when the populace got the upper hand in Greece, fear became rampant also in religion; and Christianity was preparing it- self. SO The passion for God: there are churlish, honest-hearted, and importunate kinds of it, like that of Luther — the whole of Protestantism lacks the southern delicatezza. There is an Oriental exaltation of the mind in it, like that of an unde- servedly favoured or elevated slave, as in the case of St. Augustine, for instance, who lacks in an offensive manner, all nobility in bearing and desires. There is a feminine tenderness and sensuality in it, which modestly and un- consciously longs for a unio mystica et physica, as in the case of Madame de Guy on. In many cases it appears, curi- ously enough, as the disguise of a girl's or youth's puberty; here and there even as the hysteria of an old maid, also as her last ambition. The Church has frequently canonised the woman in such a case. 51 I The mightiest men have hitherto always bowed reverently before the saint, as the enigma of self-subjugation and utter volimtary privation — why did they thus bow? They BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 59 divined in him — and as it were behind the questionableness of his frail and wretched appearance — the superior force which wished to test itself by such a subjugation; the strength of will, in which they recognised their own strength and love of power, and knew how to honour it: they hon- oured something in themselves when they honoured the saint. In addition to this, the contemplation of the saint suggested to them a suspicion: such an enormity of self-negation and anti-naturalness will not have been coveted for nothing — they have said, inquiringly. There is perhaps a reason for it, some very great danger, about which the ascetic might wish to be more accurately informed through his secret interlocutors and visitors? In a word, the mighty ones of the world learned to have a new fear before him, they di- vined a new power, a strange, still unconquered enemy: — it was the "Will to Power" which obliged them to halt before the saint. They had to question him. 52 In the Jewish "Old Testament," the book of divine jus- tice, there are men, things, and sayings on such an immense scale, that Greek and Indian literature has nothing to com- pare with it. One stands with fear and reverence before those stupendous remains of what man was formerly, and one has sad thoughts about old Asia and its little out-pushed peninsula Europe, which would like, by all means, to figure before Asia as the "Progress of Mankind." To be sure, he *ftio is himself only a slender, tame house-animal, and knows nly the wants of a house-animal (like our cultured people of to-day, including the Christians of "cultured" Christian- ity), need neither be amazed nor even sad amid those IS — ^the taste for the Old Testament is a touchstone with rs 6o BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL respect to "great" and "small": perhaps he will find that the New Testament, the book of grace, still appeals more to his heart (there is much of the odour of the genuine, tender, stupid beadsman and petty soul in it). To have bound up this New Testament (a kind of rococo of taste in every respect) along with the Old Testament into one book, as the "Bible," as "The Book in Itself," is perhaps the greatest audacity and "sin against the Spirit" which literary Europe has upon its conscience. 53 I Why Atheism nowadays? "The father" in God is thoi oughly refuted; equally so "the judge," "the rewarder." Also his "free will": he does not hear — and even if he did, he would not know how to help. The worst is that he seems incapable of communicating himself clearly; is he uncertain? — This is what I have made out (by questioning and listening at a variety of conversations) to be the cause of the decline of European theism; it appears to me that though the religious instinct is in vigorous growth, — it re- jects the theistic satisfaction with profound distrust. What does all modem philosophy mainly do? Since Descartes — and indeed more in defiance of him than on the basis of his procedure — an attentat has been made on the part of all philosophers on the old conception of the soul, under the guise of a criticism of the subject and predicate conception — that is to say, an attentat on the fundamental presupposition of Christian doctrine. Modern philosophy, as epistemological scepticism, is secretly or openly anti !■! BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 6i Christian, although (for keener ears, be it said) by no means- anti-rehgious. Formerly, in effect, one believed in "the soul" as one believed in grammar and the grammatical sub- ject: one said, "I" is the condition, "think" is the predicate and is conditioned — to think is an activity for which one must suppose a subject as cause. The attempt was then made, with marvellous tenacity and subtlety, to see if one could not get out of this net, — to see if the opposite was not perhaps true: "think" the condition, and "I" the condi- tioned; "I," therefore, only a S5nithesis which has been made by thinking itself. Kant really wished to prove that, start- ing from the subject, the subject could not be proved — nor the object either: the possibility of an apparent existence of the subject, and therefore of "the soul," may not always have been strange to him, — the thought which once had an immense power on earth as the Vedanta philosophy. 55 There is a great ladder of religious cruelty, with many roimds; but three of these are the most important. Once on a time men sacrified human beings to their God, and per- haps just those they loved the best — to this category belong le firstling sacrifices of all primiti\*e religions, and also the rifice of the Emperor Tiberius in the Mithra-Grotto on le Island of Capri, that most terrible of all Roman anach- inisms. Then, during the moral epoch of mankind, they rificed to their God the strongest instincts they possessed, leir "nature"; this festal joy shines in the cruel glances of letics £ind "anti-natural" fanatics. Finally, what still re- ined to be sacrificed? Was it not necessary in the end for men to sacrifice everything comforting, holy, healing, all tpe, all faith in hidden harmonies, in future blessedness 62 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL and justice? Was it not necessary to sacrifice God himself, and out of cruelty to themselves to worship stone, stupidity, gravity, fate, nothingness? To sacrifice God for nothingness — this paradoxical mystery of the ultimate cruelty has been reserved for the rising generation; we all know something thereof already. 56 Whoever, like myself, prompted by some enigmatical de- sire, has long endeavoured to go to the bottom of the ques- tion of pessimism and free it from the half-Christian, half- German narrowness and stupidity in which it has finally presented itself to this century, namely, in the form of Schopenhauer's philosophy; whoever, with an Asiatic and super-Asiatic eye, has actually looked inside, and into the most world-renouncing of all possible modes of thought — beyond good and evil, and no longer like Buddha and Schopenhauer, under the dominion and delusion of morality, — whoever has done this, has perhaps just thereby, without really desiring it, opened his eyes to behold the opposite ideal: the ideal of the most world-approving, exuberant and vivacious man, who has not only learnt to compromise and arrange with that which was and is, but wishes to have it again as it was and is, for all eternity, insatiably calling out de capo, not only to himself, but to the whole piece and play; and not only the play, but actually to him who requires the play — and makes it necessary; because he always requires himself anew — ^and makes himself necessary. What? And this would not be — cir cuius vitiosus deus? BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 63 57 The distance, and as it were the space around man, grows with the strength of his intellectual vision and insist: his world becomes profounder; new stars, new enigmas, and notions are ever coming into view. Perhaps everything on which the intellectual eye has exercised its acuteness and profundity has just been an occasion for its exercise, some- thing of a game, something for children and childish minds. Perhaps the most solemn conceptions that have caused the most fighting and suffering, the conceptions "God" and "sin," will one day seem to us of no more importance than a child's plaything or a child's pain seems to an old man; — and per- haps another plaything and another pain will then be neces- sary once more for "the old man" — always childish enough, an eternal child! S8 Has it been observed to what extent outward idleness, or semi-idleness, is necessary to a real religious life (alike for its favourite microscopic labour of self-examination, and for .its soft placidity called "prayer," the state of perpetual kreadiness for the "coming of God"), I mean the idleness with [a good conscience, the idleness of olden times and of blood, which the aristocratic sentiment that work is dishonouring \ — that it vulgarises body and soul — is not quite unfamiliar? id that consequently the modem, noisy, time-engrossing, snceited, foolishly proud laboriousness educates and pre- ires for "unbelief" more than anything else? Amongst lese, for instance, who are at present living apart from igion in Germany, I find "free-thinkers" of diversified 64 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL specks and origin, but above all a majority of those in whom laboriousness from generation to generation has dis- solved the religious instincts; so that they no longer know what purpose religions serve, and only note their existence in the world with a kind of dull astonishment. They feel themselves already fully occupied, these good people, be it by their business or by their pleasures, not to mention the 'Tatherland," and the newspapers, and their "family du- ties"; it seems that they have no time whatever left for religion; and above all, it is not obvious to them whether it is a question of a new business or a new pleasure — for it is impossible, they say to themselves, that people should go to church merely to spwil their tempers. They are by no means enemies of religious customs; should certain circumstances, State affairs perhaps, require their participation in such cus- toms, they do what is required, as so many things are done — with a patient and unassuming seriousness, and without much curiosity or discomfort; — they live too much apart and out- side to feel even the necessity for a jor or against in such matters. Among those indifferent persons may be reckoned nowadays the majority of German Protestants of the middle classes, especially in the great laborious centres of trade and commerce; also the majority of laborious scholars, and the entire University personnel (with the exception of the theo- logians, whose existence and possibility there always givesj psychologists new and more subtle puzzles to solve), the part of pious, or merely church-going people, there is seldom any idea of how much goodwill, one might say arbi- trary will, is now necessary for a German scholar to take thej problem of religion seriously; his whole profession (and as ij have said, his whole workmanlike laboriousness, to which he is compelled by his modem conscience) inclines him to lofty and almost charitable serenity as regards religion, wit BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 65 which is occasionally mingled a slight disdain for the "un- cleanliness" of spirit which he takes for granted wherever any one still professes to belong to the Church. It is only with the help of history {not through his own personal ex- perience, therefore) that the scholar succeeds in bringing himself to a respectful seriousness, and to a certain timid def- erence in presence of religions; but even when his sentiments have reached the stage of gratitude towards them, he has not personally advanced one step nearer to that which still main- tains itself as Church or as piety; perhaps even the contrary. The practical indifference to religious matters in the midst of which he has been bom and brought up, usually subli- mates itself in his case into circumspection and cleanliness, which shuns contact with religious men and things; and it may be just the depth of his tolerance and humanity which prompts him to avoid the delicate trouble which tolerance itself brings with it. — Every age has its own divine type of naivete, for the discovery of which other ages may envy it: and how much naivete — adorable, childlike, and boundlessly foolish naivete is involved in this belief of the scholar in his superiority, in the good conscience of his tolerance, in the un- suspecting, simple certainty with which his instinct treats the religious man as a lower and less valuable type, beyond, before, and above which he himself has developed — he, the little arrogant dwarf and mob-mem, the sedulously alert, head-and-hand drudge of "ideas," of "modem ideas"! 59 Whoever has seen deeply into the world has doubtless divined what wisdom there is in the fact that men are super- ficial. It is their preservative instinct which teaches them to be flighty, lightsome, and false. Here and there one finds a 66 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL passionate and exaggerated adoration of "pure forms" in philosophers as well as in artists: it is not to be doubted that whoever has need of the cult of the superficial to that extent, has at one time or another made an unlucky dive beneath it. Perhaps there is even an order of rank with respect to those burnt children, the bom artists who find the enjo3mient of life only in trying to falsify its image (as if taking wearisome revenge on it) ; one might guess to what degree life has disgusted them, by the extent to which they wish to see its image falsified, attenuated, ultrified, and deified; — one might reckon the homines religiosi amongst the artists, as their highest rank. It is the profound, suspicious fear of an in- curable pessimism which compels whole centuries to fasten their teeth into a religious interpretation of existence: the fear of the instinct which divines that truth might be at- tained too soon, before man has become strong enough, hard enough, artist enough. . . . Piety, the "Life in God," re- garded in this light, would appear as the most elaborate and ultimate product of the fear of truth, as artist-adoration and artist-intoxication in presence of the most logical of all falsi- fications, as the will to the inversion of truth, to imtruth at any price. Perhaps there has hitherto been no more effective means of beautifying man than piety; by means of it man can become so artful, so superficial, so iridescent, and so good, that his appearance no longer offends. 60 To love mankind for God's sake — this has so far been the noblest and remotest sentiment to which mankind has at- tained. That love to mankind, without any redeeming inH tention in the background, is only an additional folly anc brutishness, that the inclination to this love has first to ge BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 67 its proportion, its delicacy, its grain of salt and sprinkling of ambergris from a higher inclination: — whoever first per- ceived and "experienced" this, however his tongue may have stammered as it attempted to express such a delicate matter, let him for all time be holy and respected, as the man who has so far flown highest and gone astray in the finest fashion! 61 The philosopher, as we free spirits understand him — as the man of the greatest responsibility, who has the conscience for the general development of mankind, — will use religion for his disciplining and educating work, just as he will use the contemporary political and economic conditions. The selecting and disciplining influence — destructive, as well as creative and fashioning — which can be exercised by means of religion is manifold and varied, according to the sort of people placed under its spell and protection. For those who are strong and independent, destined and trained to command, in whom the judgment and skill of a ruling race is incorporated, religion is an additional means for overcom- ing resistance in the exercise of authority — as a bond which binds rulers and subjects in common, betraying and sur- rendering to the former the conscience of the latter, their in- most heart, which would fain escape obedience. And in the case of the unique natures of noble origin, if by virtue of iperior spirituality they should incline to a more retired and >ntemplative life, reserving to themselves only the more ined forms of government (over chosen disciples or mem- ers of an order), religion itself may be used as a means for )taining peace from the noise and trouble of managing rosser affairs, and for securing immxmity from the unavoid- 68 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL able filth of all political agitation. The Brahmins, for in- stance, understood this fact. With the help of a religious organisation, they secured to themselves the power of nomi- nating kings for the people, while their sentiments prompted them to keep apart and outside, as men with a higher zind super-regal mission. At the same time religion gives induce- ment and opportunity to some of the subjects to qualify themselves for future ruling and commanding: the slowly ascending ranks and classes, in which, through fortimate marriage customs, volitional power and delight in self-control are on the increase. To them religion offers sufficient incen- tives and temptations to aspire to higher intellectuality, and to experience the sentiments of authoritative self-control, of silence, and of solitude. Asceticism and Puritanism are almost indispensable means of educating and ennobling a race which seeks to rise above its hereditary baseness and work itself upward to future supremacy. And finally, to ordinary men, to the majority of the people, who exist for service and general utility, and are only so far entitled to exist, religion gives invaluable contentedness with their lot and condition, peace of heart, ennoblement of obedience, ad- ditional social happiness and sympathy, with something of transfiguration and embellishment, something of justification of all the commonplaceness, all the meanness, all the semi- animal poverty of their souls. Religion, together with the religious significance of life, sheds sunshine over such per-, petually harassed men, and makes even their own aspect enjj durable to them; it operates upon them as the EpicureaiC philosophy usually operates upon sufferers of a higher order, in a refreshing and refining manner, almost turning suffering to account, and in the end even halloing and vindicating it There is perhaps nothing so admirable in Christianity an^ Buddhism as their art of teaching even the lowest to elevat BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 69 themselves by piety to a seemingly higher order of things, and thereby to retain their satisfaction with the actual world in which they find it difficult enough to live — this very diffi- culty being necessary. 62 To be sure — to make also the bad counter-reckoning against such religions, and to bring to light their secret dan- gers— the cost is always excessive and terrible when religions do not operate as an educational and disciplinary medium in the hands of the philosopher, but rule voluntarily and paramountly , when they wish to be the final end, and not a means along with other means. Among men, as among all other animals, there is a surplus of defective, diseased, degen- erating, infirm, and necessarily suffering individuals; the successful cases, among men also, are always the exception; and in view of the fact that man is the animal not yet prop- erly adapted to his environment, the rare exception. But worse still. The higher the type a man represents, the greater is the improbability that he will succeed; the acci- dental, the law of irrationality in the general constitution of mcmkind, manifests itself most terribly in its destructive ef- fect on the higher orders of men, the conditions of whose lives are delicate, diverse, and difficult to determine. What, then, is the attitude of the two greatest religions above-men- tioned to the surplus of failures in life? They endeavour to preserve and keep alive whatever can be preserved; in fact, as the religions for sufferers, they take the part of these upon principle; they are always in favour of those who suffer from life as from a disease, and they would fain treat every other experience of life as false and impossible. However ■fcighly we may esteem this indulgent and preservative care 70 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL (inasmuch as in applying to others, it has applied, and ap- plies also to the highest and usually the most suffering type of man), the hitherto paramount religions — to give a general appreciation of them — are among the principal causes which have kept the type of *'man" upon a lower level — they have preserved too much that which should have perished. One has to thank them for invaluable services; and who is suffi- ciently rich in gratitude not to feel poor at the contemplation of all that the "spiritual men" of Christianity have done for Europe hitherto! But when they had given comfort to the sufferers, courage to the oppressed and despairing, a staff and support to the helpless, and when they had allured from so- ciety into convents and spiritual penitentiaries the broken- hearted and distracted: what else had they to do in order to work systematically in that fashion, and with a good con- science, for the preservation of all the sick and suffering, which means, in deed and in truth, to work for the deteriora- tion of the European race? To reverse all estimates of value — that is what they had to do! And to shatter the strong, to spoil great hopes, to cast suspicion on the delight in beauty, to break down everything autonomous, manly, conquering, and imperious — all instincts which are natural to the highest and most successful type of "man" — into un- certainty, distress of conscience, and self-destruction; for- sooth, to invert all love of the earthly and of supremacy over the earth, into hatred of the earth and earthly things — that is the task the Church imposed on itself, and was obliged to impose, until, according, to its standard of value, "un- worldliness," "unsensuousness," and "higher man" fused into cMie sentiment. If one could observe the strangely painful, equally coarse and refined comedy of European Christianity with the derisive £ind impartial eye of an Epicurean god, I should think one would never cease marvelling and laughing] 1 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 71 does it not actually seem that some single will has ruled over Europe for eighteen centuries in order to make a sublime abortion of man? He, however, who, with opposite require- ments (no longer Epicurean) and with some divine hammer in his hand, could approach this almost voluntary degenera- tion and stunting of mankind, as exemplified in the Euro- pean Christian (Pascal, for instance), would he not have to cry aloud with rage, pity, and horror: "Oh, you bunglers, presumptuous pitiful bunglers, what have you done! Was that a work for your hands? How you have hacked and botched my finest stone! What have you presumed to do!" — I should say that Christianity has hitherto been the most portentous of presumptions. Men, not great enough, nor hard enough, to be entitled as artists to take part in fashion- ing man; men, not sufficiently strong and far-sighted to allow, with sublime self-constraint, the obvious law of the thousandfold failures and perishings to prevail; men, not sufficiently noble to see the radically different grades of rank and intervals of rank that separate man from man: — such men, with their "equality before God," have hitherto swayed the destiny of Europe; until at last a dwarfed, al- most ludicrous species has been produced, a gregarious ani- mal, something obliging, sickly, mediocre, the European of the present day. CHAPTER IV Apophthegms and Interludes 63 He who is a thorough teacher takes things seriously — and even himself — only in relation to his pupils. 64 "Knowledge for its own sake" — that is the last snare laic by morality: we are thereby completely entangled in moi once more. 65 The charm of knowledge would be small, were it not much shame has to be overcome on the way to it. 6SA We are most dishonourable towards our God: he is not permitted to s&i. 72 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 73 66 The tendency of a person to allow himself to be degraded, robbed, deceived, and exploited might be the diffidence of a God amongst men. 67 Love to one only is a barbarity, for it is exercised at the expense of all others. Love to God also! 68 "I did that," says my memory. "I could not have done that," says my pride, and remains inexorable. Eventually — the memory yields. 69 One has regarded life carelessly, if one has failed to see the hand that — kilte with leniency. 70 If a man has character, he has also his typical experience, which always recurs. 71 The Sage as Astronomer. — So long as thou feelest the stars an "above thee," thou lackest the eye of the discerning le. 74 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 72 It is not the strength, but the duration of great sentiments that makes great men. 73 He who attains his ideal, precisely thereby surpasses it. 73A Many a peacock hides his tail from every eye — and calls it his pride. 74 A man of genius is unbearable, unless he possess at least two things besides: gratitude and purity. 75 The degree and nature of a man's sensuality extends to the highest altitudes of his spirit. 76 Under peaceful conditions the militant man attacks him- self. 77 With his principles a man seeks either to dominate, BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 75 justify, or honour, or reproach, or conceal his habits: two men with the same principles probably seek fundamentally different ends therewith. 78 He who despises himself, nevertheless esteems himself thereby, as a despiser. 79 A soul which knows that it is loved, but does not itself love, betrays its sediment: its dregs come up. 80 A thing that is explained ceases to concern us. — ^What did the God mean who gave the advice, "Know thyself!" Did it perhaps imply: "Cease to be concerned about thyself! become objective!" — And Socrates? — And the "scientific man"? 8x It is terrible to die of thirst at sea. Is it necessary that tyou should so salt your truth that it will no longer — quench Ithirst? 83 "Sympathy for all" — would be harshness and t)Tanny for Itkee, my good neighbour! j6 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 83 Insttnct. — When the house is on fire one forgets even th€ dinner. — ^Yes, but one recovers it from amongst the ashes. 84 Woman learns how to hate in proportion as she — forget now to charm. 8S The same emotions are in man and woman, but in different tempo; on that account man and woman never cease to mis understand each other. 86 In the background of all their personal vanity, wom€ l)t«emselves have still their impersonal scorn — for "woman." 87 Fettered Heart, Free Spirit. — ^When one firmly fetters bne's heart and keeps it prisoner, one can allow one's spirit tnany liberties: I said this once before. But people do not believe it when I say so, unless they know it already. 88 I One begins to distrust very clever persons when they be- come embarrassed. 1 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 72 89 Dreadful experiences raise the question whether he wh« experiences them is not something dreadful also. 90 Heavy, melancholy men turn lighter, and come temporar- ily to their surface, precisely by that which makes others heavy — ^by hatred and love. 91 So cold, so icy, that one bums one's finger at the touch of him! Every hand that lays hold of him shrinks back! — And for that very reason many think him red-hot. 92 Who has not, at one time or another — sacrificed himself for the sake of his good name? 93 In affability there is no hatred of men, but precisely on that I account a great deal too much contempt of men. 94 The maturity of man — that means, to have reacquired the [seriousness that one had as a child at play. 78 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 95 To be ash£imed of one's immorality is a step on the ladder at the end of which one is ashamed also of one's morality. 96 One should part from life as Ulysses parted from Nausicaa -blessing it rather than in love with it. 97 What? A great man? I always see merely the play-actor of his own ideal. 98 When one trains one's conscience, it kisses one while it bites. 99 The Disappointed One Speaks. — "I listened for the echo and I heard only praise." 100 We all feign to ourselves that we are simpler than we *re; we thus relax ourselves away from our fellows. I BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 79 xox A discerning one might easily regard himself at present as the animalisation of God. 102 I Discovering reciprocal love should really disenchant the lover with regard to the beloved. "What! She is modest enough to love even you? Or stupid enough? Or — or " 103 The Danger in Happiness. — "Everything now turns out best for me, I now love every fate: — ^who would like to be riy fate?" Z04 Not their love of himianity, but the impotence of their love, prevents the Christians of to-day — ^burning us. The pia jraus is still more repugnant to the taste {the *'piety") of the free spirit (the "pious man of knowledge") than the impia jraus. Hence the profoimd lack of judg- ment, in comparison with the church, characteristic of the type "free spirit" — as its non-freedom. 8o BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL io6 By means of music the very passions enjoy themselves. 107 A sign of strong character, when once the resolution has been taken, to shut the ear even to the best coimter-argu- ments. Occasionally, therefore, a will to stupidity. 108 There is no such thing as moral phenomena, but only a moral interpretation of phenomena. 109 The criminal is often enough not equal to his deed: he ex- tenuates and maligns it. no The advocates of a criminal are seldom artists enough to turn the beautiful terribleness of the deed to the advan- tage of the doer. Ill Our vanity is most difficult to wound just when our pride has been wounded. i BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL Sir 112 To him who feels himself preordained to contemplation and not to belief, all believers are too noisy and obtrusive; he guards against them. "3 "You want to prepossess him in your favour? Then you must be embarrassed before him." 114 The immense expectation with regard to sexual love, and the coyness in this expectation, spoils all the perspectives of women at the outset. "S Where there is neither love nor hatred in the game, woman's play is mediocre. 116 The great epochs of our life are at the points when we gain courage to rebaptize our badness as the best in us. 117 The will to overcome an emotion, is ultimately only the rill of another, or of several other, emotions. S2 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL ii8 } There is an innocence of admiration: it is possessed by him to whom it has not yet occurred that he himself may he admired some day. 119 Our loathing of dirt may be so great as to prevent om ■cleaning ourselves — "justifying" ourselves. 120 Sensuality often forces the growth of love too much, so that its root remains we£ik, and is easily torn up. 121 It is a curious thing that God learned Greek when he wished to turn author — and that he did not learn it better. Z22 To rejoice on account of praise is in many cases merely politeness of heart — and the very opposite of vanity of spirit. 123 Even concubinage has been corrupted — ^by marriage. 1 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 8^ "4 He who exults at the stake, does not triumph over pain, but because of the fact that he does not feel pain where he expected it. A parable. "5 When we have to change an opinion about any one, we charge heavily to his account the inconvenience he thereby causes us. 126 A nation is a detour of nature to arrive at six or seven great men. — Yes, and then to get round them. 127 In the eyes of all true women science is hostile to the sense of shame. They feel as if one wished to peep imder their skin with it — or worse still! imder their dress and finery. 128 The more abstract the truth you wish to teach, the more must you allure the senses to it. 129 The devil has the most extensive perspectives for God; 84 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL m on that account he keeps so far away from him: — the devil,, in effect, as the oldest friend of knowledge. 130 What a person is begins to betray itself when his talc decreases, — when he ceases to show what he can do. Talent" is also an adornment; an adornment is also a concealment. 131 The sexes deceive themselves about each other: the rea- son is that in reality they honour and love only themselves (or their own ideal, to express it more agreeably). Thus man wishes woman to be peaceable: but in fact woman is essentially unpeaceable, like the cat, however well she may have assumed the peaceable demeanour. 132 One is punished best for one's virtues. 133 He who cannot find the way to his ideal, lives more frivolously zmd shamelessly than the man without an ideal. 134 From the senses originate all trustworthiness, all good conscience, all evidence of truth. ^j 1 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 85 135 Pharisaism is not a deterioration of the good man; a con- siderable peirt of it is rather an essential condition of being good. 136 The one seeks an accoucheur for his thoughts, the other seeks some one whom he can assist: a good conversation thus originates. 137 In intercourse with scholars and artists one readily makes mistakes of opposite kinds: in a remarkable scholar one not infrequently finds a mediocre man; and often even in a mediocre artist, one finds a very remarkable man. 138 We do the same when awake as when dreaming: we only invent and imagine him with whom we have intercourse — and forget it immediately. 139 In revenge and in love woman is more barbarous thap man. 86 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 140 Advice as a Riddle. — "If the band is not to break, bite it first — secure to make!" 141 The belly is the reason why man does not so readily take himself for a God. 142 The chastest utterance I ever heard: "Dans le veritable amour c'est I'dnti qui enveloppe le corps." 143 Our vanity would like what we do best to pass precisely for what is most difficult to us. — Concerning the origin of many systems of morals. 144 When a woman has scholarly inclinations there is gen- erally something wrong with her sexual nature. Barrenness itself conduces to a certain virility of taste; man, indeed, if I may say so, is "the barren animal." I4S Comparing man and woman generally, one may say that woman would not have the genius for adornment, if she had not the instinct for the secondary role. „, i BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 87 146 He who fights with monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if thou gaze long into an abyss, the abyss will also gaze into thee. 147 From old Florentine novels — moreover, from life: Buona lemmina e mala jemmina vuol bastone. — Sacchetti, Nov. 86. 148 To seduce their neighbour to a favourable opinion, and afterwards to believe implicitly in this opinion of their neighbour — who can do this conjuring trick so well as women? 149 That which an age considers evil is usually an imseason- able echo of what was formerly considered good — the atavism of an old ideal. 150 Around the hero everything becomes a tragedy; aroimd the demigod everything becomes a satyr-play; and aroimd God everything becomes — what? perhaps a "world"? &S BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL It is not enough to possess a talent: one must also have your permission to possess it; — eh, my friends? 152 "Where there is the tree of knowledge, there is always Paradise:" so say the most ancient and the most modem serpents. IS5 What is done out of love always takes place beyond good and evil. 154 Objection, evasion, joyous distrust, and love of irony are signs of health; everything absolute belongs to pathology. The sense of the tragic increases and declines with sen- «uousness. 156 Insanity in individuals is something rare — ^but in groups, parties, nations, and epochs it is the rule. 157 The thought of suicide is a great consolation: by means of it one gets successfully through many a bad night. ^1 ml BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 89 158 Not only our reason, but also our conscience, truckles to our strongest impulse — the tyrant in us. 159 One must repay good and ill; but why just to the person who did us good or ill? 160 One no longer loves one's knowledge sufficiently after one has communicated it. 161 Poets act shamelessly towards their experiences: tney ex- ploit them. 162 "Our fellow-creature is not our neighbour, but our neigh- bour's neighbour:" — so thinks every nation. 163 Love brings to light the noble and hidden qualities of a lover — his rare and exceptional traits: it is thus liable to be deceptive as to his normal character. 164 Jesus said to his Jews: "The law was for servants; — love 90 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL God as I love him, as his Son! What have we Sons of God to do with morals!" i6S In Sight of Every Party. — ^A shepherd has always need of a bell-wether— or he has himself to be a wether occa- sionally. i66 One may indeed lie with the mouth; but with the accom- panying grimace one nevertheless tells the truth. 167 To vigourous men intimacy is a matter of shame — and something precious. z68 Christianity gave Eros poison to drink; he did not die of it, certainly, but degenerated to Vice. 169 To talk much about oneself may also be a means of con- cealing oneself. 170 In praise there is mcH-e obtrusiveness than in blame. BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 91 171 Pity has an almost ludicrous effect on a man of knowl- edge, like tender hands on a Cyclops. 172 One occasionally embraces some one or other, out of love to mankind (because one cannot embrace all); but this is what one must never confess to the individual. 173 One does not hate as long as one disesteems, but only when one esteems equal or superior. 174 Ye Utilitarians — ^ye, too, love the utile only as a vehicle for your inclinations, — ye, too, resilly find the noise of its wheels insupportable! 175 One loves ultimately one's desires, not the thing desired. 176 The vanity of others is only counter to our taste when it is counter to our vanity. yz BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 177 With regard to what "truthfulness" is, perhaps nobody has iver been sufficiently truthful. 178 One does not believe in the follies of clever men: what a^ forfeiture of the rights of man! 179 The consequences of our actions seize us by the forelock, very indifferent to the fact that we have meanwhile "re- formed." 180 There is an innocence in lying which is the sign of good, iaith in a cause. 181 It is inhuman to bless when one is being cursed. 182 The familiarity of superiors embitters one, because it may not be returned. 183 "I am affected, not because you have deceived me, but because I can no longer believe in you." i BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 93 184 There is a haughtiness of kindness which has the appear- ance of wickedness. "I dislike him." — Why? — *'I am not a match for him." — Did any one ever answer so? CHAPTER V The Natural History of Morals 186 The moral sentiment in Europe at present is perhaps as subtle, belated, diverse, sensitive, and refined, as the "Science of Morals" belonging thereto is recent, initial, awkward, and coarse-fingered: — an interesting contrast, which sometimes becomes incarnate and obvious in the very person of a moralist. Indeed, the expression, "Science of Morals" is, in respect to what is designated thereby, far too presumptu- ous and counter to good taste, — ^which is always a fore- taste of more modest expressions. One ought to avow with the utmost fairness what is still necessary here for a long time, what is alone proper for the present: namely, the collection of material, the comprehensive survey and classi- fication of an immense domain of delicate sentiments of worth, and distinctions of worth, which live, grow, propagate, and perish — and perhaps attempts to give a clear idea of the recurring and more common forms of these living crystal- lisations— as preparation for a theory of types of morality. To be sure, people have not hitherto been so modest. All the philosophers, with a pedantic and ridiculous seriousness, demanded of themselves something very much higher, more pretentious, and ceremonious, when they concerned them- y4 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 95 selves with morality as a science: they wanted to give a basis to morality — and every philosopher hitherto has believed that he has given it a basis; morality itself, however, has been regarded as something "given." How far from their awkward pride was the seemingly insignificant problem — left in dust and decay — of a description of forms of morality, notwithstanding that the finest hands and senses could hardly be fine enough for it! It was precisely owing to moral phi- losophers knowing the moral facts imperfectly, in an arbi- trary epitome, or an accidental abridgement — perhaps as the morality of their environment, their position, their church, their Zeitgeist, their climate and zone — it was precisely be- cause they were badly instructed with regard to nations, eras, and past ages, and were by no means eager to know about these matters, that they did not even come in sight of the real problems of morals — problems which only disclose themselves by a comparison of many kinds of morality. In every "Science of Morals" hitherto, strange as it may sound, the problem of morality itself has been omitted; there has been no suspicion that there was anything problematic there! That which philosophers called "giving a basis to morality," and endeavoured to realise, has, when seen in a right light, proved merely a learned form of good faith in prevailing morality, a new means of its expression, consequently just a matter-of-fact within the sphere of a definite morality, yea, in its ultimate motive, a sort of denial that it is lawful for this morality to be called in question — and in any case the reverse of the testing, analysing, doubting, and vivisecting of this very faith. Hear, for instance, with what innocence — almost worthy of honour — Schopenhauer represents his own task, and draw your conclusions concerning the scien- tificness of a "Science" whose latest master still talks in the strain of children and old wives: "The principle," he 96 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL says (page 136 of the Grundprobleme der Ethik*), "the axiom about the purport of which all moralists are practically agreed: neminem laede, immo omnes quantum potes juva — is really the proposition which all moral teachers strive to establish, . . . the real basis of ethics which has been sought, like the philosopher's stone, for centuries." — The difficulty of establishing the proposition referred to may indeed be great — it is well known that Schopenhauer also was imsuccessful in his efforts; and whoever has thoroughly realised how absurdly false and sentimental this proposition is, in a world whose essence is Will to Power, may be reminded that Schopenhauer, although a pessimist, actually — played the flute . . . daily after dinner: one may read about the matter in his biography. A question by the way: a pessimist, a repudiator of God and of the world, who makes a halt at morality — who assents to morality, and plays the flute to laede-neminem moraJs, what? Is that really — a pessimint? 187 Apart from the value of such assertions as ''there is :. categorical imperative in us," one can always ask: What does such an assertion indicate about him who makes it? There are systems of morals which are meant to justify their author in the eyes of other people; other systems of morals are meeint to tranquillise him, and make him self-satisfied; with other systems he wants to crucify and humble himself; with others he wishes to take revenge; with others to conceal himself; with others to glorify himself and gain superiority and distinction; — this system of morals helps its author tx) forget, that system makes him, or something of him, for- * Pages 54-55 of Schopenhauer's Basis of Morality, translated by Arthur B. Bullock, M.A. (1903). ^Il BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 97 gotten; many a moralist would like to exercise power and creative arbitrariness over mankind; many another, perhaps, Kant especially, gives us to understand by his morals that "what is estimable in me, is that I know how to obey — and with you it shall not be otherwise than with me!" In short, systems of morals are only a sign-language of the emotions. x88 In contrast to laisser-aller, every system of morals is a sort of tyranny against "nature" and also against "reason"; that is, however, no objection, unless one should again de- cree by some system of morals, that all kinds of tyranny and imreasonableness are unlawful. What is essential and invaluable in every system of morals, is that it is a long constraint. In order to understand Stoicism, or Port-Royal, or Puritanism, one should remember the constraint under which every language has attained to strength and freedom — the metrical constraint, the tyranny of rhyme and rhythm. How much trouble have the poets and orators of every nation given themselves! — not excepting some of the prose writers of to-day, in whose ear dwells an inexorable conscientious- ness— "for the sake of a folly," as utilitarian bunglers say, and thereby deem themselves wise — "from submission to arbitrary laws," as the anarchists say, and thereby fancy themselves "free," even free-spirited. The singular fact re- mains, however, that everything of the nature of freedom, elegance, boldness, dance, and masterly certainty, which ex- ists or has existed, whether it be in thought itself, or in administration, or in speaking and persuading, in art just as in conduct, has only developed by means of the tyranny of such arbitrary law; and in all seriousness, it is not at all improbable that precisely this is "nature" and "natural" — 98 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL and not laisser-aller ! Every artist knows how different from the state of letting himself go, is his "most natural" condition, the free arranging, locating, disposing, and constructing in the moments of "inspiration" — and how strictly and deli- cately he then obeys a thousand laws, which, by their very rigidness and precision, defy all formulation by means of ideas (even the most stable idea has, in comparison there- with, something floating, manifold, and ambiguous in it). The essential thing "in heaven and in earth" is, apparently (to repeat it once more), that there should be long obedience in the same direction; there thereby results, and has always resulted in the long run, something which has made life worth living; for instance, virtue, art, music, dancing, rea- son, spirituality — anything whatever that is transfiguring, refined, foolish, or divine. The long bondage of the spirit, the distrustful constraint in the communicability of ideas, the discipline which the thinker imposed on himself to think in accordance with the rules of a church or a court, or conformable to Aristotelian premises, the persistent spiritual will to interpret everything that happened according to a Christian scheme, and in every occurrence to rediscover and justify the Christian God: — all this violence, arbitrariness, severity, dreadfulness, and unreasonableness, has proved it- self the disciplinary means whereby the European spirit has attained its strength, its remorseless curiosity and subtle mobility; granted also that much irrecoverable strength and spirit had to be stifled, suffocated, and spoilt in the process] (for here, as everywhere, "nature" shows herself as she is,l in all her extravagant and indifferent magnificence, which, is shocking, but nevertheless noble). That for centuries] European thinkers only thought in order to prove somethingj — nowadays, on the contrary, we are suspicious of everyj thinker who "wishes to prove something" — that it was alwa) BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 99 settled beforehand what was to be the result of their strictest thinking, as it was perhaps in the Asiatic astrology of former times, or as it is still at the present day in the innocent, Christian-moral explanation of immediate personal events "for the glory of God," or "for the good of the soul":— this tyranny, this arbitrariness, this severe and magnificent stupid- ity, has educated the spirit; slavery, both in the coarser and the finer sense, is apparently an indispensable means even of spiritual education and discipline. One may look at every system of morals in this light: it is "nature" therein which teaches to hate the laisser-aller, the too great freedom, and implants the need for limited horizons, for immediate duties — ^it teaches the narrowing of perspectives, and thus, in a certain sense, that stupidity is a condition of life and develop- ment. "Thou must obey some one, and for a long time; otherwise thou wilt come to grief, and lose all respect for thyself" — this seems to me to be the moral imperative of na- ture, which is certainly neither "categorical," as old Kant wished (consequently the "otherwise"), nor does it address itself to the individual (what does nature care for the in- dividual!), but to nations, races, ages, and ranks, above all, however, to the animal "man" generally, to mankind. 189 Industrious races find it a great hardship to be idle: it was a master stroke of English instinct to hallow and begloom Sunday to such an extent that the Englishman unconsciously hankers for his week- and work-day again: — as a kind of cleverly devised, cleverly intercalated fast, such as is also frequently found in the ancient world (although, as is appro- priate in southern nations, not precisely with respect t(» work). Many kinds of fasts are necessary; and wherever loo BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL powerful influences and habits prevail, legislators have to see that intercalary days are appointed, on which such impulses are fettered, and learn to hunger anew. Viewed from a higher standpoint, whole generations and epochs, when they show themselves infected with any moral fanaticism, seem like those intercalated periods of restraint and fasting, during which an impulse learns to humble and submit itself — at the same time also to purify and sharpen itself; certain philo- sophical sects likewise admit of a similar interpretation (for instance, the Stoa, in the midst of Hellenic culture, with the atmosphere rank and overcharged with Aphrodisiacal odours). — Here also is a hint for the explanation of the paradox, why it was precisely in the most Christian period of European history, and in general only under the pressure] f)f Christian sentiments, that the sexual impulse sublimated j into love (amour-passion), 190 There is something in the morality of Plato which does] not really belong to Plato, but which only appears in his philosophy, one might say, in spite of him: namely, Socra- tism, for which he himself was too noble. "No one desire to injure himself, hence all evil is done unwittingly. Thej evil man inflicts injury on himself; he would not do so, i however, if he knew that evil is evil. The evil man, there- fore, is only evil through error; if one free him from error one will necessarily make him — good." — This mode of reasoning savours of the populace, who perceive only the unpleasant consequences of evil-doing, and practically judge that "it isJ stupid to do wrong"; while they accept "good" as identical! with "useful and pleasant," vnthout further thought. As| regards every system of utilitarianism, one may at once BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL loi assume that it has the same origin, and follow the scent: one will seldom err. — Plato did all he could to interpret something refined and noble into the tenets of his teacher, and above all to interpret himself into them — he, the most daring of all interpreters, who lifted the entire Socrates out of the street, as a popular theme and song, to exhibit him in endless and impossible modifications — namely, in all his own disguises and multiplicities. In jest, and in Homeric language as well, what is the Platonic Socrates, if not — jtooodc XIXaTGov Smodev re IXXaxcov \ieaar\ re XijiaiQOu 191 The old theological problem of "Faith" and "Knowledge," or more plainly, of instinct and reason — the question whether, in respect to the valuation of things, instinct deserves more authority than rationality, which wants to appreciate and act according to motives, according to a "VVhy," that is to say, in conformity to purpose and utility — it is always the old moral problem that first appeared in the person of Socrates, and had divided men's minds long before Christian- ity. Socrates himself, following, of course, the taste of his talent — that of a surpassing dialectician — took first the side of reason; and, in fact, what did he do all his life but laugh at the awkward incapacity of the noble Athenians, who were men of instinct, like all noble men, and could never give satisfactory answers concerning the motives of their actions? In the end, however, though silently and secretly, he laughed also at himself: with his finer conscience and introspection. he found in himself the same difficulty and incapacity. "But why" — he said to himself — "should one on that account separate oneself from the instincts! One must set them right, 102 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL and the reason also — one must follow the instincts, but at the same time persuade the reason to support them with good arguments." This was the real falseness of that great and mysterious ironist; he brought his conscience up to the point that he was satisfied with a kind of self -outwitting: in fact, he perceived the irrationality in the moral judgment. • — Plato, more innocent in such matters, and without the craftiness of the plebeian, wished to prove to himself, at the expenditure of all his strength — the greatest strength a phi- losopher had ever expended — that reason and instinct lead spontaneously to one goal, to the good, to ''God"; and since Plato, all theologians and philosophers have followed the same path — which means that in matters of morality, in- stinct (or as Christians call it, "Faith," or as I call it, "the herd") has hitherto triumphed. Unless one should make an exception in the case of Descartes, the father of rational- ism (and consequently the grandfather of the Revolution), who recognised only the authority of reason: but reason is only a tool, and Descartes was superficial. 192 Whoever has followed the history of a single science, finds in its development a clue to the understanding of the oldest and commonest processes of all "knowledge and cognisance": there, as here, the premature h)7potheses, the fictions, the, good stupid will to "belief," and the lack of distrust anc patience are first developed — our senses learn late, and nevet learn completely, to be subtle, reliable, and cautious orga of knowledge. Our eyes find it easier on a given occasion! to produce a picture already often produced, than to seizei upon the divergence and novelty of an impression: the latterj requires more force, more "morality." It is difficult ant BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 103 painful for the ear to listen to anything new; we hear strange music badly. When we hear another language spoken, we involuntarily attempt to form the sounds into words with which we are more familiar and conversant — it was thus, for example, that the Germans modified the spoken word arcubalista into armbrust (cross-bow). Our senses are also hostile and averse to the new; and generally, even in the "simplest" processes of sensation, the emotions dominate — such as fear, love, hatred, and the passive emotion of indo- lence.— As little as a reader nowadays reads all the single words (not to speak of syllables) of a page — ^he rather takes about five out oi every twenty words at random, and "guesses" the probably appropriate sense to them — just as little do we see a tree correctly and completely in respect to its leaves, branches, colour, and shape; we find it so much easier to fancy the chance of a tree. Even in the midst of the most remarkable experiences, we still do just the same; we fabricate the greater part of the experience, and can hardly be made to contemplate any event, except as "in- ventors" thereof. All this goes to prove that from our fundamental nature and from remote ages we have been — accustomed to lying. Or, to express it more politely and hypocritically, in short, more pleasantly — one is much more of an artist than one is aware of. — In an animated conver- sation, I often see the face of the person with whom I am speaking so clearly and sharply defined before me, accord- ing to the thought he expresses, or which I believe to be evoked in his mind, that the degree of distinctness far ex- ceeds the strength of my visual faculty — the delicacy of the play of the muscles and of the expression of the eyes must therefore be imagined by me. Probably the person put on quite a different expression, or none at all. 104 BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 193 Quidquid luce fuit, tenebris agit: but also contrariwise,j What we experience in dreams, provided we experience it often, pertains at last just as much to the general belonging of our soul as anything "actually" experienced; by virtue thereof we are richer or poorer, we have a requirement mori or less, and finally, in broad daylight, and even in the bright-^ est moments of our waking life, we are ruled to some extent by the nature of our dreams. Supposing that some one hz often flown in his dreams, and that at last, as soon as he dreams, he is conscious of the power and art of flying his privilege and his peculiarly enviable happiness; such person, who believes that on the slightest impulse, he can actualise all sorts of curves and angles, who knows the sen- sation of a certain divine levity, an "upwards" without effort or constraint, a "downwards" without descending or lower- ing— without trouble! — ^how could the man with such dream- experiences and dream-habits fail to find "happiness" dif- ferently coloured and defined, even in his waking hours! How could he fail — to long differently for happiness? "Flight," such as is described by poets, must, when compared with his own "flying," be far too earthly, muscular, violent, far too "troublesome" for him. 194 The difference among men does not manifest itself only \v the difference of their lists of desirable things — in their re- garding different good things as worth striving for, and being disagreed as to the greater or less value, the order o*' rank, of the commonly recognised desirable things: — it mani BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL 105 fests itself much more in what they regard as actually having and possessing a desirable thing. As regards a woman, for instance, the control over her body and her sexual gratifi- cation serves as an amply sufficient sign of ownership and possession to the more modest man; another with a more suspicious and ambitious thirst for possession, sees the "ques- tionableness," the mere apparentness of such ownership, and wishes to have finer tests in order to know especially whether the woman not only gives herself to him, but also gives up for his sake what she has or would like to have — only then does he look upon her as "possessed." A third, however, has not even here got to the limit of his distrust and his desire for possession: he asks himself whether the woman, when she gives up everything for him, does not perhaps do so for a phantom of him; he wishes first to be thoroughly, indeed, profoundly well known; in order to be loved at all he ventures to let himself be found out. Only then does he feel the beloved one fully in his possession, when she no longer deceives herself about him, when she loves him just as much for the sake of his devilry and concealed insatia- bility, as for his goodness, patience, and spirituality. One man would like to possess a nation, and he finds all the higher arts of Cagliostro and Catalina suitable for his pur- pose. Another, with a more refined thirst for possession, says to himself: "One may not deceive where one desires to pos- sess"— he is irritated and impatient at the idea that a mask of him should rule in the hearts of the people: "I must, therefore, make myself known, and first of all learn to know myself!" Amongst helpful and charitable people, one almost always finds the awkward craftiness which first .